Tag: Goods

  • PNS carrying relief goods to depart for Türkiye next month | The Express Tribune

    کراچی:

    6 فروری کے زلزلہ متاثرین کے لیے 3,500 موسم سرما کے خیموں سمیت امدادی سامان لے جانے والا پاک بحریہ کا جہاز مارچ کے پہلے ہفتے میں ترکی کے لیے روانہ ہوگا۔

    پاکستان میں ترکی کے سفیر مہمت پیکاسی نے منگل کو کہا کہ \”پاکستان نیوی کا ایک جہاز مارچ کے پہلے ہفتے میں کراچی کی بندرگاہ سے سفر شروع کرے گا اور 13 دنوں میں ترکی-مرسین بندرگاہ پہنچے گا۔\”

    اسلام آباد میں ترک سفارتخانے میں صحافیوں کو متاثرہ علاقوں میں زلزلے کے بعد کی صورتحال پر بریفنگ دیتے ہوئے پیکاسی نے کہا کہ امدادی سامان کی روانگی میں تیزی لانے کے لیے وزیراعظم شہباز شریف کی ہدایت پر فضائی اور روڈ ویز کے علاوہ میری ٹائم پل بھی قائم کیا جا رہا ہے۔ ترکی کے زلزلہ زدہ علاقوں میں سامان۔

    وزیر اعظم پہلے ہی اعلان کر چکے ہیں کہ پاکستان رواں ماہ کے آخر تک ترکی کو موسم سرما کے 100,000 خیمے فراہم کرے گا۔

    Pacaci نے کہا کہ اس تاریخ تک، جڑواں زلزلوں میں کم از کم 41,000 افراد اپنی جانیں گنوا چکے ہیں اور 100,000 سے زیادہ زخمی ہوئے ہیں۔

    250,000 سے زیادہ سرچ اور ریسکیو اہلکار اس وقت میدان میں ہیں، جو ترک ڈیزاسٹر اینڈ ایمرجنسی مینجمنٹ اتھارٹی (AFAD) کے ساتھ مل کر کام کر رہے ہیں۔

    اس کے علاوہ، انہوں نے کہا کہ پاکستان سمیت دنیا کے مختلف حصوں سے 3000 سے زائد غیر ملکی اہلکار بھی بچاؤ اور امدادی سرگرمیوں میں مصروف ہیں۔

    یہ بھی پڑھیں: ترکی اور شام ایک بار پھر 6.3 شدت کے زلزلے سے لرز اٹھے۔

    انقرہ کی جانب سے بین الاقوامی امداد کی اپیل پر حکومت اور پاکستانی قوم کے \”فوری\” ردعمل کے لیے ان کی تعریف کرتے ہوئے، سفیر نے کہا کہ یہ اشارہ ترک عوام کے لیے \”بہت معنی رکھتا ہے\”۔

    انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ پاکستان کی نیشنل ڈیزاسٹر اینڈ مینجمنٹ اتھارٹی (این ڈی ایم اے) نے تباہی کے پہلے دن سے اب تک تقریباً 4,000 موسم سرما کے خیمے اور 8,000 سے زیادہ کمبل ترکی کو بھیجے ہیں۔

    مزید 3,000 موسم سرما کے خیمے اور 25,000 کمبل بذریعہ سڑک ترکی کے راستے پر ہیں۔ یہ قافلہ 23 ​​فروری کو ترکی کے صوبہ ہاتے پہنچنے والا ہے، جو کہ سب سے زیادہ متاثرہ علاقوں میں سے ایک ہے۔

    انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ اگلے دو ہفتوں میں چارٹرڈ کارگو پروازوں کے ذریعے 4000 سے زائد موسم سرما کے خیمے بھی ترکی بھیجے جائیں گے۔

    مزید برآں، پاکستان ریڈ کریسنٹ، اور یونیورسٹیز سمیت فلاحی ادارے بھی ترک سفارت خانے اور قونصل خانوں کے ساتھ رابطے میں ہیں، زلزلہ متاثرین کے لیے ادویات، خوراک، طبی آلات اور دیگر امدادی سامان فراہم کر رہے ہیں۔

    \”ہم اپنے پاکستانی بھائیوں اور بہنوں کی دعاؤں اور اپنے ملک کی صحت یابی کے لیے نیک خواہشات کے لیے ان کا شکریہ ادا کرتے ہیں۔ ہمیں یقین ہے کہ ہم ان کے انمول تعاون سے اس آفت پر قابو پالیں گے،‘‘ انہوں نے برقرار رکھا۔





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  • Tim Hortons franchisees spar with parent company RBI as rising cost of goods squeezes profits

    Chain\’s restaurant owners say product costs have risen at a faster pace than menu prices

    Published Feb 13, 2023  •  Last updated 3 days ago  •  6 minute read

    5 Comments

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    A pedestrian walks past a Tim Hortons restaurant in downtown Vancouver. Photo by Ben Nelms/Bloomberg

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    Tim Hortons franchisees have to make a choice: they can donate their Justin Bieber-themed merchandise to charity, or they can hand it out to staff, but selling it is no longer an option.

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    The coffee chain in 2021 partnered with the Canadian pop star in a bid to attract younger customers, launching a line of Timbits, called Timbiebs. Tim Hortons brought Timbiebs back last year along with a Bieber-themed coffee, Biebs Brew. As part of the promotion, the chain also sold commemorative totes and fanny packs and toques, or, more specifically, it sold the stuff to its franchisees, which then sold it to customers (who, in some cases, resold items for hundreds of dolla
    rs online).

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    Now that the promotion is over, Tim Hortons is contractually obligated to stop selling the merchandise and franchisees are out of pocket as a result, according to an organization that represents the chain’s restaurant owners.

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    “It’s a lot of money for a lot of owners,” said Dave Lush, executive director of the Alliance of Canadian Franchisees (ACF). “Some of that stuff just plain didn’t sell.”

    In ordinary times, Lush said, he wouldn’t publicly complain about this sort of thing. (In his words: “Would I be talking to you over the Bieber promotion? Hell no.”) But the ACF has decided these are no longer ordinary times.

    After years of silence, the group is speaking out, breaking what appeared, at least from the outside, to be a lasting peace with Tim Hortons management because it believes the chain’s cost increases are cutting into franchisee profits.

    The (franchisees) are, in their minds, almost at a crisis point for profitability

    Dave Lush

    The group’s main concern has to do with the cost of products that franchisees are required to buy from head office, such as sugar, coffee beans, sandwich toppings and packaging. Lush said those costs have risen at a faster pace than menu prices, which have compressed franchisee profit margins.

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    `Crisis point for profitability’

    ACF met with Tim Hortons executives three times in 2022, but decided to publicly complain after nothing changed, he said.

    “It was deemed that this didn’t get anybody anywhere,” Lush said. “The (franchisees) are, in their minds, almost at a crisis point for profitability.”

    But Tim Hortons said the concerns are unfounded and dismissed the ACF as an “antagonistic” group that is determined to drag the brand’s reputation down in public.

    The company said it’s normal to have some merchandise left over at the end of a campaign such as Timbiebs. And this particular set of merchandise happened to be the “most successful retail campaign” in the company’s history, which drove sales and profits for its franchisees, according to a statement from spokesperson Michael Oliveira. It was mostly the tote bags that were left, he said.

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    Tim Hortons partnered with Justin Bieber in 2021 in a bid to attract younger customers, launching a line of Timbits, called Timbiebs. Photo by Tim Hortons

    “Airing grievances in the media is not what our guests expect of successful, profitable Tim Hortons restaurant owners,” Oliveira said in an email on Feb 10. “We do not recognize the association as a legitimate voice of franchisees.”

    Before ACF went quiet more than three years ago, it had long been locked in a messy public battle with Tim Hortons’ parent company Restaurant Brands International Inc. But a legal settlement in 2019 and sales gains at the chain appeared to have brought about a lasting peace between the two sides.

    The feud originally started a few years after the Brazilian investment firm 3G Capital bought the Canadian coffee chain in 2014 and merged it with Burger King to create Restaurant Brands International Inc., a giant global fast-food conglomerate that now also owns Popeyes Louisiana Kitchen and Firehouse Subs.

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    ACF — formerly known as the Great White North Franchisee Association — accused the company of mistreating franchisees and intimidating anyone who spoke out. RBI dismissed it as a disgruntled fringe group and moved to strip its leadership of their Tim Hortons’ franchises.

    “We are certainly not just a ‘rogue group of franchisees’, or ‘a small group of disgruntled store owners’ that RBI would have you believe,” the association’s then president David Hughes wrote in a letter to franchisees in 2017.

    We are certainly not just a ‘rogue group of franchisees’, or ‘a small group of disgruntled store owners’ that RBI would have you believe

    David Hughes

    RBI seized Hughes’ Tim Hortons locations in 2018, telling the Canadian Press at the time that its agreements with franchisees prohibited them from publicly disparaging the brand and leaking sensitive information to the media. RBI later said it had reached a settlement with Hughes that saw him exit the business.

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    In 2017, the group launched two class-action lawsuits against Tim Hortons, alleging, among other things, the company was jacking up the cost of products that restaurants were required to buy through RBI and mismanaging the advertising fund that franchisees contribute to.

    Two years later, the company settled the suits, agreeing to contribute $10 million to the advertising fund and another $2 million to cover the legal and administrative costs of the franchisees’ lawsuits. The company also agreed to not discourage franchisees from joining a franchisee association.

    Potential peace offering

    After that, the association went silent. It rebranded as ACF and hired veteran Tim Hortons executive Nick Javor to lead it, but frequently turned down media requests for interviews.

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    Around the same time in 2020, Tim Hortons rolled out a “back to basics” plan to address franchisee complaints about the chain’s bloated, confusing menu and its lagging sales. More than three years later, Tim Hortons sales have recovered from pandemic lows and the company has pointed to sales breakthroughs from new menu items and promotions, such as the Bieber partnership, as a sign that its turnaround plan is resonating with customers.

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    A Tim Horton’s cafe in Manhattan, New York City. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images files

    In an earnings update on Feb. 14, RBI reported sales of US$1.83 million at Tim Hortons in the fourth quarter, up US$89 million or about five per cent over the previous year. Same-store sales at Tims — a key metric in the retail industry that excludes results from recently opened or closed stores to give a clearer picture on year-over-year growth — grew 11. 6 per cent in Canada in 2022.

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    RBI also announced that it was replacing chief executive José Cil with Joshua Kobza, currently the chief financial officer. Analysts at Citigroup Global Markets Inc. said in a note that they doubted Kobza represented a change in strategy, but is “potentially more of a peace offering to vocal franchisees.”

    `Not making a profit’

    Lush, who took over from Javor at the beginning of this year, said increases in restaurant costs have outpaced sales gains.

    “This isn’t a case of ‘I’m not making enough money and that makes me unhappy. This is a case of ‘I’m not making a profit at all,’” he said. “The ratio between profitable locations and nonprofitable locations is growing on the nonprofitable side.”

    Franchisees must go through the parent company for most of their ingredients, as well as equipment used in the restaurants. But in the past year, supply chain lags, drought, high fuel costs and the war in Ukraine have led to the highest level of food price inflation in Canada since the early 1980s.

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    Lush said his members believe RBI is increasing prices bey
    ond what’s necessary. He said ACF consulted outside experts and conducted research to back up its claims, but declined to provide any documents. ACF won’t say how many members it has, only that they collectively operate 1,100 Tim Hortons restaurants in Canada out of a total of 5,600 worldwide.

    “What’s your markup? Let’s just lay our cards out here,” he said. “What’s the deal?”

    RBI denied the allegation. In a lengthy statement, the company said franchisee profits are in better shape than their competitors after several years of pandemic and supply chain complications that hammered restaurant sales, particularly for coffee chains that catered to morning commuters.

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    Oliveira, the company’s spokesperson, said franchisees buy their products for less than operators at other restaurant brands do, and they receive steady, reliable deliveries despite global supply chain breakdowns.

    “We do regular, extensive market research to make sure prices for our guests remain competitive in each region across the country,” he said.

    RBI has said it already maintains an internal advisory board of franchisees who give feedback on the company’s strategy for Tim Hortons. Oliveira said the 19 franchisees on the board are “successful and sophisticated” operators who have been elected by their peers, unlike the “self-appointed” leaders of ACF.

    “This association has proven over the years to only be antagonistic towards the company and seek media headlines to air their grievances,” he said. “Their views on how to approach the current challenges faced by the restaurant industry globally do not reflect the large majority of most Tim Hortons franchisees.”

    • Email: jedmiston@postmedia.com | Twitter: jakeedmiston

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  • Pakistan sends over 21 tonnes of relief goods to Turkiye, Syria

    راولپنڈی: پاکستان نے بدھ کے روز ترکی اور شام کو 21 ٹن سے زیادہ امدادی سامان بھیجا جب اس ہفتے کے شروع میں دونوں ممالک میں ایک طاقتور زلزلہ آیا جس میں ہزاروں افراد ہلاک ہوئے۔

    ایئر لائن کے ترجمان نے ایک بیان میں کہا کہ سامان کو نیشنل ڈیزاسٹر مینجمنٹ اتھارٹی (این ڈی ایم اے) کی جانب سے پاکستان انٹرنیشنل ایئر لائنز کی دو خصوصی پروازوں کے ذریعے پہنچایا گیا۔

    پرواز PK-705 7.4 ٹن سامان لے کر صبح 8:45 بجے اسلام آباد سے استنبول کے لیے روانہ ہوئی، جبکہ PK-9135 14 ٹن لے کر اسلام آباد سے صبح 10:30 بجے دمشق کے لیے روانہ ہوئی۔

    امدادی سامان میں موسم سرما کے خیمے، کمبل وغیرہ شامل تھے، کیونکہ متاثرین کو پیر کے بعد سے جب زلزلہ آیا تو منجمد درجہ حرارت کے ساتھ ساتھ بارش اور برف باری کا سامنا کرنا پڑا۔ بدھ کے روز مرنے والوں کی تعداد 12,000 سے تجاوز کر گئی، جبکہ ہزاروں زخمی ہوئے۔

    منگل کو پاکستان نے 51 رکنی امدادی ٹیم استنبول روانہ کی۔

    ڈان، فروری 9، 2023 میں شائع ہوا۔



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  • China Slaps Export Bans on Taiwanese Goods – Again

    China has again hit Taiwanese products with export bans – this time, on fishery products such as squid, fourfinger threadfin, Pacific saury, and skipjack tuna, as well as a number of beverages including Taiwan’s most recognizable alcohol brands, Taiwan Beer and Kinmen Kaoliang.

    The fishery product bans were first announced on December 8, with a press conference held by Taiwan’s Council of Agriculture. The press conference came after news of the ban had already begun to spread in the industry. Earlier that day, the Taiwan Squid and Saury Fisheries Association had held a press conference stating that China had suspended the registration of any new businesses. The market for Taiwanese squid, fourfinger threadfin, and Pacific saury exports to China was $166.5 million in 2021.

    In the next few days, more bans on Taiwanese products came to light. 123 out of 354 beverage items registered for export from Taiwan to China were suspended, while 11 out of 28 beer and distillery items were suspended. Affected goods included Taiwan Beer, which is produced by the state-run Taiwan Tobacco & Liquor Corporation; Kinmen Kaoliang, the distinctive sorghum liquor from the outlying island of Kinmen; and craft beer brand Taihu, which had been expanding its Chinese market in recent years. King Car, which produces international award-winning Kavalan Whiskey, and the Uni-President Corporation, one of Taiwan’s largest conglomerates and the operator of dominant convenience store chain 7/11, were also affected.

    Overall, 2,409 companies were hit with import suspensions. By December 10, the number of Taiwanese companies whose export permits were “approved by recommendation” declined to 42 from 266 in September and the number of companies whose permits were “approved by self-application” declined to 750 from 846.

    This is one of a series of bans that China has announced on Taiwanese goods in past years, starting from a ban on Taiwanese pineapples announced in February 2021. China was previously a major market of pineapple exports for Taiwan, with 95.2 percent of pineapple exports worth $155.23 million going to China between 2018 and 2020.

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    This was followed by bans on wax apples and custard apples in September 2021 and on grouper in June 2022. In August 2022, shortly before U.S. Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan, China announced bans on 100 products including snacks, honey, pastries, and seafood.

    The common feature in such bans is that the impacted goods were highly reliant on the Chinese market when it came to exports. In 2021, 91 percent of Taiwan’s grouper exports went to China, among the world’s largest consumer markets for grouper. As a result, high hopes had been placed on the Chinese market for grouper farming in Taiwan during periods of strengthening economic ties under the Ma Ying-jeou administration from 2008 to 2016. Similarly, the Chinese market accounts for up to 90 percent of Taiwanese wax and custard apple exports.

    These were often high-end products. Taiwan has sought to tout its pineapples as a luxury product in recent years, for example. Some grouper breeds are among the more highly-priced varieties of fish in Taiwan, reserved for important occasions.

    Otherwise, many of the targeted products have strong symbolic value. Among the snacks banned in August 2022 was iconic Taiwanese snack Kuai Kuai, a favorite of engineers because of a superstition that stacking bags of green Kuai Kuai near machines will keep them operating smoothly. In the most recent series of bans, Taiwan Beer is Taiwan’s national beer brand, while Kinmen Kaoliang is culturally significant – it is served at state dinners, used in religious ceremonies, and prisoners are traditionally given a glass of kaoliang before executions.

    China justified the bans by claiming Taiwanese pineapples, wax and custard apples, and grouper violated food safety standards. The Chinese government claimed to find mealybugs in shipments of pineapple from Taiwan between March and May 2020, as a result of which new controls were implemented in October 2020 to deal with the issue. Overall, according to customs data, China only found 13 instances of mealybugs in pineapple export batches, with 99.79 percent of pineapple exports passing inspections.

    Similarly, the Chinese government’s decision to suddenly ban pineapples from Taiwan in early 2021 was thought to be aimed at impacting Taiwanese farmers. The announcement of the ban was timed right before the harvest season for pineapples in March, so that harvested pineapples would have nowhere else to go.

    With the latest round of export bans, the claim from the Chinese government is that registration information for the banned goods did not conform with new documentation requirements. Among affected companies, 621 companies were told that documents did not meet specifications, 499 companies were told that their manufacturing did not meet specifications, and 396 companies were told that their company application did not meet specifications. This claim was also used by the Chinese government regarding the goods whose bans were announced in August.

    178 affected fisheries companies stated that they had submitted follow-up documentation requested by China in August of this year but did not receive any response. The Taiwanese Food and Drug Administration (FDA) later stated that 346 of 465 items had their applications rejected on the basis of follow-up documents. Forms publicized by the FDA of what was required by China’s General Administration of Customs later suggested that the Chinese government required Taiwanese companies to reveal trade secrets in export applications. For the most part, however, the FDA has sought to avoid commenting on whether the bans were politically motivated, perhaps hoping to avoid the perception that it is deliberately picking a fight with China.

    The Tsai administration has mostly responded to the bans by announcing that it will take steps to help Taiwanese companies develop new markets, providing training or launching advertising campaigns to assist with this. After the pineapple, wax apple, and custard apple bans, the Tsai administration began advertising campaigns targeting markets such as Japan, spending 1 billion Taiwanese dollars on advertising pineapple, while after the grouper ban, the Council of Agriculture set aside 800 million dollars to assist grouper farmers, while also starting to use grouper in school lunches.

    Amid the latest bans, the Tsai administration has called on to take similar measures for affected companies. It has been suggested that the Tsai administration may seek to develop Southeast Asia as a market for Taiwanese fisheries products, or that processing Pacific saury bones can make them more suitable for European markets.

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    Otherwise, a past strategy adopted by the Tsai administration has been to rally up domestic and international support for Taiwanese goods. The “Freedom Pineapple” campaign called on Taiwanese consumers and allies of Taiwan abroad to purchase domestically grown pineapples as a show of support, to aid Taiwanese farmers. Among those to participate in the campaign was former Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, who posted a photo of himself with Taiwanese pineapples on Twitter, as did other diplomats and politicians. The “Democracy Fish” campaign aimed to do the same with grouper, finding similar success among some Japanese public figures. This time around, the framing has primarily been around “Freedom Beer,” reflecting China’s ban on Taiwan Beer.

    The “Freedom Pineapple” campaign proved highly successful, with more pineapples sold in four days than would have been sold to the Chinese market in 2021, when the ban took place. Yet exports to China only constituted 10 percent of Taiwan’s domestic pineapple produce, so this was an easy target to reach in making up for the shortfall. And there have been warnings that the government may not always be able to successfully drive up consumption of banned products, and that this may lead to increasing overreliance by industry on the government to bail them out in the event of Chinese bans.

    It is unclear what China intends to accomplish through the bans. Beijing may simply hope to further constrain Taiwan’s market opportunities internationally, as a means of pressuring Taiwan. In particular, the politically influential demographic of farmers and fishermen have historically voted for the KMT due to hoping for access to the Chinese market, as well as historical reasons linked to the use of irrigation associations for watering fields and farmers’ associations for distributing produce.

    Such associations were used as a means of political patronage and control during the authoritarian era, with farmers fearing being cut off from access to water for their fields or the networks used to distribute produce for sale if they voted for the DPP. The DPP remains concerned about undue pan-Blue influence over farmers, which is why the Taiwanese government has made moves to nationalize irrigation associations in past years – a move that the KMT has hotly contested but which was upheld in an August 2022 ruling by the Constitutional Court.

    The Chinese government, then, may be hoping to pressure farmers and fishermen to throw their support behind the KMT. This may take place as part of a velvet glove and iron fist approach – the Chinese government announced 22 incentives for Taiwanese farmers in a similar timeframe to the initial pineapple ban.

    Or the Chinese government may be hoping to prop up the KMT through engendering the perception that it is the only political party in Taiwan able to avoid retaliation from China. The KMT has historically leveraged this claim in campaigning, and KMT politicians state that they intend to meet with Chinese officials to conduct dialogue on the matter, while lashing out at the Tsai administration for worsening cross-strait relations.

    By contrast, the DPP has suggested that it may take the matter to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The DPP has made similar comments in the past, and it remains to be seen whether it finally follows through with this claim. There are some risks to seeking WTO arbitration, as China might use influence within the organization to apply further pressure to Taiwan.

    Otherwise, there have even been suggestions that Taiwan should cut off Chinese access to Taiwanese semiconductors as retaliation, though this is an extreme step that is not likely to take place in the immediate future short of conflict breaking out in the Taiwan Strait. In the export bans, China has primarily targeted substitutable goods that it can source elsewhere, rather than intermediate goods it is reliant on for its own supply chains.

    In the future, it is also possible that China will be increasingly seen as a risky market for Taiwanese companies, incentivizing companies to reduce reliance on the Chinese market and instead develop politically safer markets elsewhere. In this way, China may unwittingly remove one of its own crucial levers for influencing Taiwan politically: Taiwanese companies’ substantial investment in the Chinese market. Indeed, 1,800 of the firms whose products were affected state that they do not intend to reapply for export licenses.

    Likewise, Taiwanese companies might decide there is something to be gained from capitalizing on trends in Taiwan that favor Taiwanese rather than Chinese identity, or anger against China’s actions targeting Taiwan.

    For example, after the recent ban, pineapple cake chain Chia Te Bakery won public accolades after announcing that it refused to hand over its trade secrets to China and would be withdrawing from the Chinese market. Subsequently, a wave of Taiwanese netizens began leaving positive reviews for the bakery’s locations online, though they came into conflict with Chinese netizens or bots that began leaving negative reviews on Chia Te Bakery locations and flooding its Instagram account with negative comments.

    Following the ban on Kuai Kuai and other Taiwanese products in August after the Pelosi visit, and in the wake of the grouper ban that had taken place in June, Kuai Kuai announced that it would be introducing a grouper-flavored variety. Pingtung county magistrate Pan Meng-an of the DPP was among those to tout the new flavor, with the Pingtung county government praising Kuai Kuai’s efforts to “bring grouper to the masses” even if that meant “breaking with tradition.” It is possible that some brands will actively position themselves as hitting back against China in advertising or developing new products.





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