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    Egypt Military Coup - Morsi Elected government overthrown

    Mohammed Mursi has been sworn in as Egypt's first civilian, democratically elected president at a historic ceremony in Cairo.

    Hours after the ceremony, he was saluted by Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, leader of the military council which is handing over power.

    Mr Mursi has promised to restore the parliament dissolved by the military.

    In a speech at Cairo University, the Muslim Brotherhood politician said the army must respect the people's will.

    He will have to sort out a very difficult relationship with an entrenched military, regional analyst Magdi Abdelhadi says.

    The regime of former President Hosni Mubarak is still largely intact and many in it will not work with the new president, he adds.

    Overthrown in February last year after mass pro-democracy demonstrations, Mubarak was sentenced to life imprisonment at the beginning of this month for failing to prevent the killing of protesters by the security forces.

    Egypt, the biggest Arab nation, is a key US ally in the region, as well as one of the few states in the Arab world to maintain diplomatic relations with Israel.

    'Promise kept'


    Parliament was dissolved by Field Marshal Tantawi's Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (Scaf), which assumed legislative powers under a controversial "interim constitutional declaration".

    But on Saturday Scaf handed over power to Mr Mursi after a military parade at the Hykestep military base on the outskirts of Cairo.

    "We have fulfilled our promise which we made before God and the people," Field Marshal Tantawi said at the hand-over ceremony.

    "We now have an elected president, who assumed Egypt's rule through a free and direct vote reflecting the will of Egyptians."

    The field marshal, who saluted Mr Mursi and shook hands with him several times, decorated the new president with the Shield of the Armed Forces, the country's highest honour.

    In his speech earlier at Cairo University, Mr Mursi said: "The army is now returning to its original role, protecting the nation and its borders."

    'Servant of the people'
    Parliament, the new president insisted in his speech, had been elected in a free and fair ballot and had been entrusted with drafting a new, democratic constitution.

    He hailed those killed in the uprising against President Mubarak. Families of some of the dead were in the hall and they held up photos of their sons and daughters.

    He vowed to raise Egypt to the rank of a modern state "where the president is the servant of his people".

    Mr Mursi was sworn in at the supreme constitutional court.

    The Egyptian people, he said, had "laid the foundations for a new life, for full freedom, a genuine democracy, for putting the meaning and significance of the constitution and stability above everything else".

    His government would be based on the democratic pillars of "the constitutional court, the Egyptian judiciary, and the executive and legislative powers".

    The oath of office had originally been scheduled to take place at the parliament, which is dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood-backed Freedom and Justice Party and other Islamists.

    Mr Mursi said he was determined that the constitutional court, which had declared November's parliamentary election to be flawed, would remain "independent, strong, effective - away from any suspicion and abuse".

    On Friday, Mr Mursi performed prayers at Cairo's al-Azhar mosque, one of the most prominent seats of learning in Sunni Islam.

    He has sought to allay fears among some secular and Coptic Christian Egyptians that he will use his presidency to impose Islamic law.

    Mr Mursi's campaign has said he plans to appoint a woman and a Coptic Christian as his vice-presidents.

    In his speech at Cairo University, he said all Egyptians would be equal before the law.

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-18656396

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    Administrator Aryan_B's Avatar
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    Egypt Military Coup - Morsi Elected government overthrown

    Egypt’s Morsi, judiciary in parliament tug of war


    CAIRO: Egypt’s top court on Monday rejected a decree by President Mohamed Morsi to reinstate the parliament it ruled invalid, setting him on a collision course with the judiciary and the military which enforced the ruling.

    “All the rulings and decisions of the Supreme Constitutional Court are final and not subject to appeal… and are binding for all state institutions,”the court said in a statement.

    This came after Morsi decided to order back the Islamist-led lower house of parliament a month after the court found certain articles in the law on parliamentary elections to be invalid, annulling the house.

    The powerful Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which was running the country after president Hosni Mubarak was ousted in a popular uprising last year, had dissolved parliament based on the ruling.

    The court’s move could spark a confrontation between Morsi, who stepped down from the Muslim Brotherhood when he was sworn in last month, and the SCAF as well as the judiciary.

    But the presidency insisted the decree “neither contradicts nor contravenes the ruling by the constitutional court.”

    The ruling does not need to be implemented immediately according to precedent, said presidential spokesman Yasser Ali, arguing that Morsi’s decision “takes into account the higher interest of the state and the people.”

    Morsi’s decree also stipulates the organisation of new parliamentary elections two months after the approval by referendum of Egypt’s new constitution and the adoption of a new law regulating parliament.

    The confrontation prompted the United States to urge Egypt to respect “democratic principles.””Developments are unfolding quickly and we are monitoring them and in touch with Egypt’s leaders,” said National Security Council spokesman Tommy Vietor.

    “Ultimately, though, these issues are for Egyptians to decide in a manner that respects democratic principles, is transparent, and protects the rights of all Egyptians,” he said.

    The constitutional court stressed that it was “not a part of any political conflict… but the limit of its sacred duty is the protection of the texts of the constitution.”

    Its statement came hours after parliament speaker Saad al-Katatni invited the lower house to convene at 2:00 pm (1200 GMT) on Tuesday, in line with the presidential decision. It was not clear how the court’s ruling would be enforced.

    The Muslim Brotherhood, from which Morsi stepped down when he became president, said it “will participate (Tuesday) in a million-man march in support of the president’s decision and reinstating parliament.”

    Morsi’s decision caused a “political earthquake,” some media reported on Monday, sparking a flurry of meetings including by the SCAF and the constitutional court.

    “Morsi says to SCAF: Checkmate,” read the headline of the independent daily Al-Watan, as Al-Tahrir, another daily, declared “Morsi defeats SCAF.”

    His move also angered some secular parties, which had slammed the Muslim Brotherhood’s monopolisation of power since the start of the uprising.

    “In any decent and democratic country, a president cannot disrespect the judiciary,” said Rifaat al-Said, head of the leftist Al-Tagammu party.

    “Whether Morsi likes it or not, he must respect the judiciary’s decisions,”he told state television.

    Said said a march to parliament would be organised later on Monday, and stressed that “several parties will boycott parliament’s sessions.”

    But some such as former presidential candidate Abdel Moneim Abul Fotouh found in Morsi’s decision a subtle way out of that confrontation.

    “Respect for the popular will by restoring the elected parliament and respect for the judiciary by holding parliamentary elections is the way out of this crisis,” Abul Fotouh wrote on Twitter.

    The military dissolved parliament last month after Egypt’s top court made its controversial ruling, a day before the second round of the presidential poll that saw Morsi become Egypt’s first democratically elected head of state.

    The Supreme Constitutional Court had said certain articles in the law governing parliamentary elections were invalid, annulling the Islamist-led house.

    It also ruled as unconstitutional the political isolation law, which sought to bar senior members of Mubarak’s regime and top members of his now-dissolved party from running for public office for 10 years. Morsi beat Mubarak’s last premier Ahmed Shafiq in the presidential election.

    The SCAF issued a constitutional declaration granting the military sweeping powers, and in the absence of a parliament, in which nearly half of seats were won by the Brotherhood and another quarter by hardline Salafists, it assumed legislative power.

    SCAF’s document, which rendered the presidency toothless, caused outrage among those calling for the military to return to their barracks.

    Instead of being sworn in before parliament, the 60-year-old Morsi took the oath on June 30 before the constitutional court.

    http://dawn.com/2012/07/09/egypts-mo...nt-tug-of-war/

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    Member Iranzamin's Avatar
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    Hope Morsi is on the side of the resistance

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    Administrator Aryan_B's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by Iranzamin View Post
    Hope Morsi is on the side of the resistance
    I think they are in a difficult situation parts of the Egyptian army are probably still American supporters. It is not easy to change allegiance overnight

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    Tehran reaches out to Egypt’s Morsi

    Tehran reaches out to Egypt’s Morsi


    This is a development that holds the potential to shake up Middle Eastern politics — Iranian vice-president visiting Cairo. The two countries pulled down the shutters following the Iranian revolution in 1979 and a dark period continued right till the end of the Hosni Mubarak era. The revolution on Tahrir Square one year ago heralded a thaw, the first sign of which was the permission granted to an Iranian warship to cross the Suez Canal to visit Syria.




    Low-key contacts followed, including a meeting between the two foreign ministers on the sidelines of the NAM meeting in Bali, Indonesia in May last year. Iran pressed hard for the resumption of diplomatic ties. Egypt sought more time. Tehran didn’t press, either, comprehending the complexities of the Egyptian situation.


    Meanwhile, the military junta permitted a second Iranian warship to cross the Suez Canal, disregarding the stern rebuke by the United States and Israel (and the annoyance of Saudi Arabia). On its part, evidently with the acquiescence of Cairo, Tehran began inviting a series of Egyptian goodwill delegations from the civil society in a sustained effort to reach out to the various sections — especially the Islamist forces — of Egyptian society.


    To be sure, a critical mass of opinion began accruing in Egypt, including within the Muslim Brotherhood, regarding the restoration of normal ties with Iran.



    Enter Saudi Arabia. Taking advantage of the economic crisis in Egypt, Riyadh offered economic assistance, but with strings attached. The bottom line for the Saudis is that Egypt shouldn’t dilute Riyadh’s regional campaign to “isolate” Iran. The main worry for the Saudis is that if Egypt, the biggest and most powerful Sunni Arab country, mends fences with Iran, the entire geopolitical thesis built around a contrived Sunni-Shi’ite sectarian schism which the US-Israeli-Saudi axis has been expounding as the centre-piece of the Arab Spring, would flounder.




    The stakes are indeed very high. Therefore, Saudi Arabia invited the newly-elected Mohammed Morsi of the Brotherhood to visit Riyadh last month. The Saudis hoped that Morsi would play footsie on the Sunni-Sh’ite front and get Egypt to play its due role in the Syrian crisis.


    But, reading between the lines, one is getting the impression that Saudis are pretty much unsure how to handle Morsi. Prominent Saudi commentators have been all along leveling harsh criticism at Morsi and the Brothers. Even after the meeting between King Abdullah and Morsi last month, critical reportage is continuing in the Saudi establishment press, even pitting the Brothers against Egypt’s Al-Azhar in a clever ploy to divide the islamist camp in Egypt. {Al-AZhar is Egypt’s religious establishment.)


    The point is, Riyadh has the utmost to fear from the Brothers — the spectre of the Brothers spearheading a ‘regime change’ in Saudi Arabia at some point haunts the Saudi rulers. The equations between the Saudis and the Brothers have been a troubled and often-violent one with the former Crown Prince Nayef using brutal methods to smash up the activities of the Brothers on Saudi soil.




    This is where an Egyptian-Iranian rapprochement at this point becomes a major setback for the Saudi regime. If the Iranian news report carried by Fars is to be believed, Iranian vice-president Hamid Baqayee may visit Cairo to personally hand over the letter of invitation from President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad to Morsi to attend the forthcoming NAM summit meeting in Tehran.


    Ahmedinejad had telephoned Morsi last month to extend the Iranian invitation and a conversation followed, which evidently prompted the follow-up mission by Baqayee. Indeed, Tehran is making a big gesture in protocol terms — deputing a vice-president to visit a country with which it has no diplomatic ties. The conclusion must be drawn that the probability of Morsi traveling to Tehran is rather high.




    To be sure, an engrossing chapter is opening in the chronicle of the Arab Spring. Iran has throughout maintained that the Arab Spring will inevitably work in its favor in political terms. From Tehran’s viewpoint, Islamism is a common bond that will ultimately tie Iran with the democratic regimes that emerge in the Arab world led by Islamist parties — be it Tunisia, Libya or Yemen — as time passes, no matter the manipulations by third parties.




    That is to say, Iranians estimate that these Arab Spring regimes will come under compulsion sooner rather than later to pay heed to the popular opinion on the so-called Arab Street, which will favor pan-Islamic policies, since the Arab will see through the politics of sectarianism that the West and its regional allies like Saudi Arabia and Israel have propagated in the interests of their self-preservation or for the perpetuation of their hegemony over the Muslim Middle East. The Iranians are of course taking a longterm perspective in terms of the social and political forces being unleashed by the Arab Spring in the stagnant Arab world.




    This is where Egypt’s stance becomes crucial. Egypt is the heart of the Arab world and it is manifestly aspiring to reclaim the role it lost in the period since the Camp David Accord in 1979 to the Saudis. All three protagonists — Saudi Arabia, Iran and Egypt — know that Riyadh conclusively loses the ideological war if Cairo refuses to play sectarian politics in the Muslim Middle East, and Tehran will then be a net gainer.




    If Morsi travels to Tehran at the end of this month, it becomes a defining moment in regional politics. One would like to be a fly on the wall if Morsi were to meet Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The Fars news agency report is here.

    .


    By M K Bhadrakumar– August 2, 2012


    Tehran reaches out to Egypt’s Morsi - Indian Punchline

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    Senior Member Mirza44's Avatar
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    The Region: What happened in Egypt?

    Within a year, Egypt will be fundamentally transformed. Irretrievably transformed.

    A short history of democracy in Egypt. In February 2011 the Mubarak regime fell. There was going to be a parliament elected in Egypt. The parliament was elected. Its election was invalidated. Today there is no parliament in Egypt.

    The Muslim Brotherhood said it would want to run one-third of the candidates for seats. Then they ran one-half. Then they ran all. Then they said they would not run a president. Then they did and elected a president. And they and the Salafists elected 70 percent of the parliament. But now there is no parliament.

    The parliament was going to pick a constituent assembly to write a Constitution. But now there is no Constitution. There are no restrictions on presidential powers.

    And then there was a Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, but that was supposed to restrain the Muslim Brotherhood president. And it was supposed to be restrained by the Egypt-Israel peace treaty and by the hope of getting US military aid. But the president got rid of it and fired the two top people and put in his own generals. And there is no restraint.

    And we were told that the Egyptian government had promised to adhere to the Egypt-Israel peace treaty. But when it wished the regime simply violated the treaty and sent forces into the eastern Sinai. And it announced an alliance with Hamas, which openly declared its desire to go to war with Israel and destroy it. And Cairo did not demur.

    The Egyptian regime did more economic damage to Israel by violating its contract on natural gas shipments than any other Arab regime in the history of the country, because Israel had to spend billions of dollars replacing that lost fuel. That is why Israeli taxes are going up and social spending must decline. The US government did not lift a finger to help.

    The entire Israeli strategic plan has had to be altered to add an entire new defensive front along the border with Egypt. New units will be organized; new fences built; new equipment ordered and paid for.

    Said Eddin Ibrahim, arguably the Arab world’s leading sociologist and certainly the leading advocate of liberal-Islamist alliance against the old Arab military regimes has now totally changed sides, warning that the Islamists want to hijack power and establish dictatorships. He pleads for Westerners to wake up.

    Egyptian President Mohamed Morsy has now named the heads of the main Egyptian newspapers, radio stations and television networks. They include sleazeballs that sold out to the Mubarak regime and will do whatever he tells them. The first round-ups have begun of reporters who are to bold and honest in their investigations. The walls are closing in.

    Soon the generals will be replaced; soon the judges will be replaced, and so too will the diplomats. In other words, the internal and external bureaucracy of Egypt’s government will become transformed. The old national security considerations will change.

    The next stop is the court system, where plans are being made already to eliminate judges. True, there were many corrupt jurists, but there was no institution in Egypt where there were more courageous individuals and advocates of democracy. But that’s the problem.

    The very integrity that made these men stand up against Mubarak will make them do the same against the Brotherhood – and they will not enforce sharia law. Their vote against the parliamentary result was a warning. They will soon be ousted.

    An upcoming conference of pro-Islamist judges will recommend massive retirements; the new constitution, written by Islamists, will weaken the courts against sharia as interpreted by Islamic clerics. The Brotherhood will take over al-Azhar University and appoint one of its men as chief qadi, Muslim judicial official. They will get into control of the wealthy religious endowments. Within a year, Egypt will be fundamentally transformed. Irretrievably transformed.

    Considers what this means in terms of foreign policy.
    The Following User Says Thank You to Mirza44 For This Useful Post: Aryan_B


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    Is it likely do you think that they will move away from GCC/American/Israeli view towards Iran? They hhave been sending mixed signals

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    Palestinians ditched; Egypt next?

    Sep 29, 2012

    Palestinians ditched; Egypt next?
    By Spengler

    "No one cares about the Palestinians," I wrote in this space two years ago [1], and since then the world has stopped funding them. As a result, the Palestine Authority is collapsing, comments Khalid Elgindy, a former PA adviser, on the website of the Council on Foreign Relations, about "the wave of Palestinian protests that swept through the Israeli-occupied West Bank this month [and] ... virtually paralyzed life in Palestinian cities, with scenes reminiscent of the first intifada".

    The PA can't pay salaries because international donors, including the Gulf States, haven't sent promised aid:
    A rapid infusion of cash from the international community and Israel may buy the PA some time, but it cannot kick the can down the road forever - especially if a recently released World Bank report is right that a more severe fiscal crisis will take root if donor countries fail to act swiftly.

    Even if the PA manages to hobble along for a few more months or years, a weak and divided Palestinian leadership with questionable domestic legitimacy will be in no position to negotiate a comprehensive agreement with Israel or make that agreement stick. This week's mass arrests of Hamas activists, carried out in the wake of the protests, speaks to the PA leadership's deep sense of insecurity. [2]

    International donors are weary of Mahmoud Abbas' sorry little West Bank kleptocracy, while the squeeze on the state budgets of all the industrial nations makes it harder to shake loose money for an unpopular destination. The World Bank warned on September 19 of a "deepening Palestinian fiscal crisis" and issued an "urgent appeal" to donors. [3]

    Diplomats and bureaucrats at international organizations will issue press releases, wring their hands, make promises and then break them. No-one is going to write a check to the Palestine Authority.

    The question is: when will the world also grow weary of Egypt? With liquid cash reserves down to a month or two worth of imports in July, Egypt began bouncing checks to oil suppliers in August, and has stopped importing some urgently needed items. The latest shortage to plague the Egyptian economy is infant vaccines. (See North Korea on the Nile, Asia Times Online, August 28, 2012.) The news site AllAfrica.com reports:

    Cairo - Tens of thousands of children are at risk because of a vaccine shortage in Egypt, pediatricians warn."The longer the government fails to immunize these children, the more vulnerable to disease they are," Eman Masoud, head of the Pediatrics Section at Abul Riesh University Hospital in Cairo, told IRIN. She said a delay of more than one or two months in obtaining vital vaccines like MMR, which protects against measles, mumps and rubella, can put children's lives in peril.

    Over the last two weeks, parents have lined up at many of the government's 5,000 health offices which vaccinate children for free, only to be told: "The vaccines are not available." (Shots are, however, available for the equivalent of US$50 at private clinics.) [4]

    It's hard to get accurate readings on Egypt's economic free-fall, but according to the country's importers association, the reluctance of banks to provide trade financing to Egyptian firms has cut imports in half since the January 2011 revolution, and now threatens essential food supplies. The government claims to have six months' of wheat stockpiled and recently bought additional supplies, but other staples, including beans, sugar and cooking oil.

    Ahmed Shiha, the head of the Cairo Chamber Commerce importers' group, warned earlier this month that Egypt has been living off inventories of key food commodities, according to the Egyptian news site el-balad.com. [5]

    After the 2011 revolution, importers stocked up on food out of fear of devaluation. Now they are having trouble obtaining letters of credit to replace their diminishing supplies. Especially vulnerable is Egypt's provision of beans, the biggest staple after bread. High dollar prices and dwindling cash reverses could lead to a 40% reduction in the supply of imported foods, Shiha warned. Egypt imports half its total food consumption.

    By its own estimate, Egypt needs $12 billion to get through the next year. Some private estimates quoted by the Egypt Independent put the gap at twice that much. [6] Every few days, the Egyptian government hails another multi-billion-dollar aid package from a foreign donor, but none of these packages appears to entail much ready cash. Qatar deposited $500 million in Egypt's central bank in August, and promised another $1.5 billion, which is yet to appear.

    Egypt announced that Turkey had promised $2 billion in aid, but Turkish press accounts doubt that Egypt will spend any of that money in the near future; $1 billion is reserved to finance the operations of Turkish firms in Egypt, which does nothing for Egypt's urgent import requirements. The other $1 billion, the Turkish newspaper Star wrote on September 15, is just an advance on the prospective $4.8 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). [7]

    Turkey still owes the IMF $5 billion from its borrowing after the 2008 crisis, so it will expect repayment out of the IMF money - if the IMF loan ever comes through. In the meantime, the $1 billion will sit in the central banks' display window and won't be spent.

    The Barack Obama administration offered the Egyptians $1 billion (half of which was debt forgiveness rather than ready cash), but shelved the proposal after the attacks on America's Cairo embassy until after the November elections. Saudi Arabia seems to have no intention of funding the Muslim Brotherhood, the monarchy's most dangerous internal opponent.

    For the moment, it really does seem like Egypt is living on diminishing stockpiles, as the Chamber of Commerce's Shiha warned. Egyptians will have enough bread to go around, but not much to put on it, and not enough gasoline to distribute it.

    Some problems simply can't be fixed. In the past, I have argued that the Palestine problem is hopeless but not serious. Roughly one in four Palestinian men between the ages of 20 and 40 is paid to carry a gun, and a putative nation whose economy is based on the imminent prospect of violence does not have first claim on scarce international resources.

    Meanwhile the living standard of Arabs in the so-called Occupied West Bank is double that of pre-crisis Egypt; compared with Egypt or Syria, it is an oasis of peace and plenty.

    After years of intoning that the Palestine issue was the crux of the world's security problems, the world has left the keys in the wreck and walked away from it. And the Oslo process is ending with a whimper rather than a bang.

    Egypt is a different matter. The notion that the world will find $1 billion a month for Egypt - let alone $2 billion - seems whimsical. The catastrophic decline of a nation of 80 million people is something the world has not seen in some time, and policymakers would be wise to take precautionary measures.

    Notes:
    1. Obama in more trouble than Netanyahu over Iran, March 16, 2012.
    2. Why Palestinians Protest: The PA Leadership Is Not the Only Problem, Foreign Affairs, September 20, 2012.
    3. World Bank Warns Of Deepening Palestinian Fiscal Crisis, World Bank, September 19, 2012.
    4. Egypt: Vaccine Shortage Hits Egypt's Children, AllAfrica.com, September 14, 2012.
    5. See el-balad.com.
    6. Hunger economics: Do rising food prices mean trouble ahead?, Egypt Independent, September 20, 2012.
    7. Mısır'ın istikrarına bizden 2 milyar $, Star, September 15, 2012.

    Spengler is channeled by David P Goldman. His book How Civilizations Die (and why Islam is Dying, Too) was published by Regnery Press in September 2011. A volume of his essays on culture, religion and economics, It's Not the End of the World - It's Just the End of You, also appeared last fall, from Van Praag Press.


    Asia Times Online :: Palestinians ditched; Egypt next?

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    Senior Member sami's Avatar
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    The world must not be allowed to forget the plight of the Palestinians

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    Member Munir's Avatar
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    Same goes for Kurds and many others... Maybe you get the idea that the world is evil.

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    Egypt Military Coup - Morsi Elected government overthrown

    Opposition groups in Egypt have called for mass protests on Friday against President Mohammed Mursi's decree that gives him sweeping powers.

    They have described his move as a "coup against legitimacy" and accused the president of appointing himself Egypt's "new pharaoh".

    The decree states that the president's decisions cannot be revoked by any authority, including the judiciary.

    His supporters say the move is designed to protect Egypt's revolution.

    On Thursday, thousands celebrated the decree in front of the Egyptian High Court in Cairo.

    But leading opposition figures later denounced it.

    "This is a coup against legitimacy," said Sameh Ashour, head of the lawyers syndicate, in a joint news conference with Mohamed ElBaradei and Amr Moussa.

    "We are calling on all Egyptians to protest in all of Egypt's squares on Friday."

    Wael Ghonim, a key figure in last year's uprising against President Hosni Mubarak, said the revolution had not been staged "in search of a benign dictator".

    "There is a difference between revolutionary decisions and dictatorial decisions," he said.

    "God is the only one whose decisions are not questioned."

    Mr ElBaradei, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, had earlier said the decree placed the president above the law.

    "Mursi today usurped all state powers and appointed himself Egypt's new pharaoh. A major blow to the revolution that could have dire consequences ," he wrote on his Twitter account.

    Thursday's decree bans challenges to Mr Mursi's decrees, laws and decisions.

    It also says no court can dissolve the constituent assembly, which is drawing up a new constitution.

    "The president can issue any decision or measure to protect the revolution," presidential spokesman Yasser Ali announced on national TV.

    "The constitutional declarations, decisions and laws issued by the president are final and not subject to appeal."

    Mr Mursi also sacked chief prosecutor Abdel Maguid Mahmoud and ordered the retrial of people accused of attacking protesters when Mr Mubarak held office.

    Mr Mahmoud's acquittal of officers accused of involvement in attacks on protesters led to violent clashes in Cairo's Tahrir Square in October, when supporters and opponents of Mr Mursi clashed.

    Thousands of protesters have returned to the streets around Tahrir Square over the past week demanding political reforms and the prosecution of officials blamed for killing demonstrators.

    The president had tried to remove Mr Mahmoud from his post by appointing him envoy to the Vatican.

    But Mr Mahmoud defied the Egyptian leader and returned to work, escorted by judges and lawyers.

    New prosecutor Talaat Ibrahim is tasked with re-examining all the investigations led by Mr Mahmoud into the deaths of protesters, and re-trying people already acquitted in the case.

    Mr Mursi said his decree was aimed at "cleansing state institutions" and "destroying the infrastructure of the old regime".

    The declaration also gives the 100-member constituent assembly two additional months to draft a new constitution, to replace the one suspended after Mr Mubarak was overthrown.

    The rewrite of the constitution, which was meant to be finished by December, has been plagued by lawsuits questioning the make-up of the constituent assembly.

    Once completed, the document is due to be put to a referendum. If it is approved, legislative elections will be held two months later.

    BBC News - Egypt fury over Mohammed Mursi 'coup against legitimacy'

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    Islamists rally behind Mursi as Egypt's rifts widen


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    Islamists rally behind Mursi as Egypt's rifts widen

    http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/...8B004X20121201

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    At least 200,000 Islamists demonstrated in Cairo on Saturday in support of President Mohamed Mursi, who is rushing through a constitution to try to defuse opposition fury over his newly expanded powers.

    "The people want the implementation of God's law," chanted flag-waving demonstrators, many of them bused in from the countryside, who choked streets leading to Cairo University, where Mursi's Muslim Brotherhood had called the protest.

    The numbers swelled through the afternoon, peaking in the early evening at at least 200,000, said Reuters witnesses, basing their estimates on previous Cairo rallies. The authorities declined to give an estimate for the crowd size.

    Mursi was expected later in the day to set a date for a referendum on the constitution hastily approved by an Islamist-dominated drafting assembly on Friday after a 19-hour session.

    "We will certainly present the constitution to the president tonight," Mohamed al-Beltagy, a Muslim Brotherhood leader and a member of the constituent assembly, told Reuters.

    Mursi plunged Egypt into a new crisis last week when he gave himself extensive powers and put his decisions beyond judicial challenge, saying this was a temporary measure to speed Egypt's democratic transition until the new constitution is in place.

    His assertion of authority in a decree issued on November 22, a day after he won world praise for brokering a Gaza truce between Israel and the Palestinian Islamist Hamas movement, dismayed his opponents and widened divisions among Egypt's 83 million people.

    Two people have been killed and hundreds wounded in protests by disparate opposition forces drawn together and re-energized by a decree they see as a dictatorial power grab.

    Tens of thousands of Egyptians had protested against Mursi on Friday. "The people want to bring down the regime," they chanted in Cairo's Tahrir Square, echoing the trademark slogan of the revolts against Hosni Mubarak and Arab leaders elsewhere.

    Rival demonstrators threw stones after dark in the northern city of Alexandria and a town in the Nile Delta. Similar clashes erupted again briefly in Alexandria on Saturday, state TV said.

    "COMPLETE DEFEAT"

    Mohamed Noshi, 23, a pharmacist from Mansoura, north of Cairo, said he had joined the rally in Cairo to support Mursi and his decree. "Those in Tahrir don't represent everyone. Most people support Mursi and aren't against the decree," he said.

    Mohamed Ibrahim, a hardline Salafi Islamist scholar and a member of the constituent assembly, said secular-minded Egyptians had been in a losing battle from the start.

    "They will be sure of complete popular defeat today in a mass Egyptian protest that says 'no to the conspiratorial minority, no to destructive directions and yes for stability and sharia (Islamic law)'," he told Reuters.

    Mursi has alienated many of the judges who must supervise the referendum. His decree nullified the ability of the courts, many of them staffed by Mubarak-era appointees, to strike down his measures, although says he respects judicial independence.

    A source at the presidency said Mursi might rely on the minority of judges who support him to supervise the vote.

    "Oh Mursi, go ahead and cleanse the judiciary, we are behind you," shouted Islamist demonstrators in Cairo.

    Mursi, once a senior Muslim Brotherhood figure, has put his liberal, leftist, Christian and other opponents in a bind. If they boycott the referendum, the constitution would pass anyway.

    If they secured a "no" vote to defeat the draft, the president could retain the powers he has unilaterally assumed.

    And Egypt's quest to replace the basic law that underpinned Mubarak's 30 years of army-backed one-man rule would also return to square one, creating more uncertainty in a nation in dire economic straits and seeking a $4.8 billion loan from the IMF.

    "NO PLACE FOR DICTATORSHIP"

    Mursi's well-organized Muslim Brotherhood and its ultra-orthodox Salafi allies, however, are convinced they can win the referendum by mobilizing their own supporters and the millions of Egyptians weary of political turmoil and disruption.

    "There is no place for dictatorship," the president said on Thursday while the constituent assembly was still voting on a constitution which Islamists say enshrines Egypt's new freedoms.

    Human rights groups have voiced misgivings, especially about articles related to women's rights and freedom of speech.

    The text limits the president to two four-year terms, requires him to secure parliamentary approval for his choice of prime minister, and introduces a degree of civilian oversight over the military - though not enough for critics.

    The draft constitution also contains vague, Islamist-flavored language that its opponents say could be used to whittle away human rights and stifle criticism.

    For example, it forbids blasphemy and "insults to any person", does not explicitly uphold women's rights and demands respect for "religion, traditions and family values".

    The draft injects new Islamic references into Egypt's system of government but retains the previous constitution's reference to "the principles of sharia" as the main source of legislation.

    "We fundamentally reject the referendum and constituent assembly because the assembly does not represent all sections of society," said Sayed el-Erian, 43, a protester in Tahrir and member of a party set up by opposition figure Mohamed ElBaradei.

    Several independent newspapers said they would not publish on Tuesday in protest. One of the papers also said three private satellite channels would halt broadcasts on Wednesday.

    Egypt cannot hold a new parliamentary election until a new constitution is passed. The country has been without an elected legislature since the Supreme Constitutional Court ordered the dissolution of the Islamist-dominated lower house in June.

    The court is due to meet on Sunday to discuss the legality of parliament's upper house.

    "We want stability. Every time, the constitutional court tears down institutions we elect," said Yasser Taha, a 30-year-old demonstrator at the Islamist rally in Cairo.

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  15. #15
    Member qaisarjaan's Avatar
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    Why Is Pakistan’s Latest Nuclear Missile Test Different
    ISLAMABAD, Pakistan—Pakistan’s latest test of its medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM) is a welcome development. The significance of this test is not in the Ghauri missile per se but in the working of the now fully automated Strategic Command and Control Support System (SCCSS).



    This included not just the test firing of the liquid fuelled MRBM Hatf V (Ghauri)—now already a part of the Strategic Missile Force of Pakistan Army with a range of up to 1300 kilometers—but also testing the SCCSS.



    It was the testing of the latter that was the central purpose of this exercise today.



    The fully automated SCCSS enables robust Command and Control capability of all strategic assets. The National Command leadership is now able to monitor round-the-clock situational awareness in a digitized network-centric environment.



    In other words, monitoring of the strategic assets can be done from the National Command and Control Center through the automated control support systems.



    The successful test of the Ghauri – with the ability to carry nuclear warheads – via the linkage with SCCSS has strengthened the security and robustness of the strategic nuclear assets and also enabled the national leadership to be constantly in the strategic loop 24/7. This centralized control enhances safety and security of the strategic assets by ensuring centralized leadership control at all times.



    The most significant part of the testing of the SCCSS through the launch of the Ghauri series missile as part of the field training exercise of the Army Strategic Force Command was proving the viability of the increasingly indigenous structured architecture of Pakistan’s nuclear command and control.



    Our civilian leadership has now been totally brought into the strategic nuclear command and control structures. It is up to them to understand these structures and the role they must play to sustain and strengthen them. It is a grave responsibility and they must educate themselves wisely in bearing it responsibly.



    [For technical details of the launch, see the Press Release by ISPR.]

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  16. #16
    Forum Administrator bilalhaider's Avatar
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    Could follow the same route as Libya.

  17. #17
    Senior Moderator Superkaif's Avatar
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    Egypt crisis: President Morsi annuls decree

    Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi has annulled a decree he issued last month that hugely expanded his powers and sparked angry protests, officials say.

    However, a news conference in Cairo was told that a controversial referendum on a draft constitution would still go ahead as planned on 15 December.

    Mr Morsi's critics have accused him of acting like a dictator, but he says he is safeguarding the revolution.

    He said the extra powers were needed to force through reforms.

    Mr Morsi's decree of 22 November stripped the judiciary of any right to challenge his decisions and triggered violent protests on the streets of Cairo.

    "The constitutional decree is annulled from this moment," said Selim al-Awa, an Islamist politician acting as a spokesman for a meeting Mr Morsi held with political and public figures on Saturday.

    But he said the referendum on a new constitution would go ahead because it was not legally possible for the president to postpone it.

    The meeting had been boycotted by the main opposition leaders who had earlier called for their supporters to step up their protests. They want both the decree and the referendum cancelled.

    The BBC's Shaimaa Khalil in Cairo says President Morsi has made a major compromise but it is yet to be seen if it will defuse tension on the streets.

    Although the decree has been annulled, some decisions taken under it still stand.

    The general prosecutor, who was dismissed, will not be reinstated, and the retrial of the former regime officials will go ahead.

    But, our correspondent adds, President Morsi's sweeping powers have gone..

    Earlier, Egypt's powerful military warned it would not allow Egypt to spiral out of control and called for talks to resolve the conflict.

    "Anything other than that (dialogue) will force us into a dark tunnel with disastrous consequences; something that we won't allow," it said.

    Postponement call
    The president's supporters say the judiciary is made up of reactionary figures from the old regime of strongman Hosni Mubarak.

    But his opponents have mounted almost continuous protests since the decree was passed.

    They are also furious over the drafting of the new constitution because they see the process as being dominated by Mr Morsi's Islamist allies.

    An umbrella opposition group, the National Salvation Group, has demanded Mr Morsi rescind his decree and postpone a referendum on the new constitution.

    Several people have been killed in the recent spate of anti-government protests, and the presidential palace has come under attack.

    The Cairo headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood, the movement to which Mr Morsi belongs, were set on fire.

    BBC News - Egypt crisis: President Morsi annuls decree

  18. #18
    Forum Administrator bilalhaider's Avatar
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    Looks like troubled times for Egypt ahead, a bit similar to Libya.

  19. #19
    Senior Member Hope's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by bilalhaider View Post
    Looks like troubled times for Egypt ahead, a bit similar to Libya.
    No i disagree. The volitility will die down. Egypt is too big and Morsi needs to listen to the people

  20. #20
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    Post An American Coup in Egypt?| By As'ad AbuKhalil



    What is happening in Egypt warrants historical contextualization. When Sadat first took over after Nasser in 1970, his chances of survival in power were nil. He had no political stature and no power base of his own. He began to build up his power in 1971 when he announced the existence of a wide leftist conspiracy by Nasser’s chief advisors (he called them “marakiz al-qiwa” – centers of power). His case was based on secret tapings of phone conversations. It was never before revealed whether the US government supplied Sadat’s with the “evidence” in order to help him eliminate his Nasserist rivals. It was only a year later that Sadat ordered the Soviet advisers out of Egypt, probably as a payback to the US government. The rest of the history of Sadat and Mubarak is too well-known: the US government helped construct and supervise the repressive security state in Egypt, which would become a cornerstone of US-Israeli policies in the Middle East.

    It is too early to analyze the nature of the Egyptian regime of Mursi, but there are some clear signs and indications. The US government has reached the conclusion that it (and Israel) can do business with the Muslim Brotherhood as long as they don’t touch or interfere in the foreign policies of Sadat-Mubarak. Egyptian intelligence service has been constructed by the US and operates as an extension of the CIA station in Egypt. It is fair to say that the Muslim Brotherhood has basically allowed the intelligence service to retain control over the foreign policies of Egypt. The top appointments at the foreign ministry have been undertaken by the mukhabarat apparatus, and the foreign ministers in the new Egypt are graduates of Sadat ‘s school of diplomacy. The American administration and Congress have made it very clear that the only criterion that matters to the US is the preservation of the Egyptian-Israeli treaty.

    But the Muslim Brotherhood needed time to prove their loyalty and subservience to US security interest and orders. The US was watching closely and it was very clear to Arab watchers that the Ikhwan underwent a swift makeover. Gone were all the speeches about jihad with its grotesque anti-Semitic rhetoric and the standard Islamist references to “the descendants of apes and monkeys,” and in was a new insistence on the necessity of respect for “the international treaties and obligations.” Of course, the redundant references by the new Egyptian government to the respect for “international treaties” were in no way related to Egypt’s bilateral treaties with African and Asian countries. It became a euphemism or a code language of sorts for the new government of the Ikhwan: it was sent as a signal to the US that they are willing to preserve the same foreign policies of Mubarak-Sadat in return for support in power.

    The Brotherhood sent emissaries to Washington, DC and held talks with prominent members of the Zionist establishment in the city. Senator John McCain (a man to the right of Ariel Sharon), became a sudden champion of the Ikhwan in the US and went regularly on Fox News to promote the notion of a “moderate Muslim Brotherhood.” The IMF (a mere tool of US foreign policy) quickly joined in and promised a generous loan in return for good behavior.

    But the Gaza war was the golden opportunity: it would be years before we really know how the Gaza war erupted and how it was managed, but the Ikhwan earned the trust of the US and Israel very quickly. After the savage Israeli war on Gaza, the Muslim Brotherhood and preachers of holy war against Jews – this is the classical rhetoric of the Ikhwan – argued that the Mursi government’s recall of the Egyptian ambassador to Israel is the strongest possible response, very much along the lines of Mubarak’s foreign policy argument. The Brotherhood worked very closely with the Obama administration, and Zionists in the US showered praise on the Mursi government and on the new responsible behavior of the Muslim Brotherhood.

    It was only days after the Gaza war that Mursi produced his decrees. And the US reaction was quite similar to its reaction when any of its repressive clients in the region resorts to repressive measures. Worse, the US government reacted in the same way it reacted when protesters first took to the streets against the Mubarak regime. Just as the Obama administration early condemned the “violence” of the Egyptian protesters against Mubarak (and not vice versa), the Obama administration again warned the protesters (and not the regime) against the resort to violence. Zionist media quickly followed suit. The New York Times carried a front page picture of a Muslim Brotherhood activist rescuing an injured person: Arabs widely ridiculed the picture because the Arabic press on the same day carried various pictures of Ikhwan thugs beating peaceful demonstrators in Cairo. And the New York Times has been so pleased with Mursi’s behavior vis-à-vis Israel that it considered the mounting of tents and the scribbling of anti-Mursi graffiti as acts of violence by the opposition.

    There is no evidence as of yet that the US was involved in Mursi’s coup, but there is clear evidence that the two governments have been working closely together. Various emissaries of Mursi were dispatched to Washington DC, and Mursi notified the US government of his decision before the decree was announced to the Egyptian public. It is not unlikely that the US has colluded with Mursi in order to reconstruct the repressive security state that has been so helpful to Israel over the decades. It is possible that the US will adjust its relationship in the region in order to incorporate the Ikhwan regimes into the established pro-US regional repressive system. The suspicion of a US role in the Mursi government is widely shared among Egyptians, and its explains why many protesters went to the US embassy to protest but were turned away by Mubarak-Mursi’s security goons.
    Fear Is No Policy Surrender Is No Option

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