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Thread: Egypt Military Coup - Morsi Elected government overthrown

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  1. #21
    Senior Member KingKong's Avatar
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    I think the issue has been the people are paranoid the institution and Mursi will become the same as previous governments and things will revert back to the same again

  2. #22
    Senior Member ajtr's Avatar
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    Egypt: The Next India or the Next Pakistan?

    Egypt: The Next India or the Next Pakistan?

    I WANT to discuss Egypt today, but first a small news item that you may have missed.Three weeks ago, the prime minister of India appointed Syed Asif Ibrahim as the new director of India’s Intelligence Bureau, its domestic intelligence-gathering agency. Ibrahim is a Muslim. India is a predominantly Hindu country, but it is also the world’s third-largest Muslim nation. India’s greatest security threat today comes from violent Muslim extremists. For India to appoint a Muslim to be the chief of the country’s intelligence service is a big, big deal. But it’s also part of an evolution of empowering minorities. India’s prime minister and its army chief of staff today are both Sikhs, and India’s foreign minister and chief justice of the Supreme Court are both Muslims. It would be like Egypt appointing a Coptic Christian to be its army chief of staff.

    “Preposterous,” you say.

    Well, yes, that’s true today. But if it is still true in a decade or two, then we’ll know that democracy in Egypt failed. We will know that Egypt went the route of Pakistan and not India. That is, rather than becoming a democratic country where its citizens could realize their full potential, instead it became a Muslim country where the military and the Muslim Brotherhood fed off each other so both could remain in power indefinitely and “the people” were again spectators. Whether Egypt turns out more like Pakistan or India will impact the future of democracy in the whole Arab world.

    Sure, India still has its governance problems and its Muslims still face discrimination. Nevertheless, “democracy matters,” argues Tufail Ahmad, the Indian Muslim who directs the South Asia Studies Project at the Middle East Media Research Institute, because “it is democracy in India that has, over six decades, gradually broken down primordial barriers — such as caste, tribe and religion — and in doing so opened the way for all different sectors of Indian society to rise through their own merits, which is exactly what Ibrahim did.”

    And it is six decades of tyranny in Egypt that has left it a deeply divided country, where large segments do not know or trust one another, and where conspiracy theories abound. All of Egypt today needs to go on a weekend retreat with a facilitator and reflect on one question: How did India, another former British colony, get to be the way it is (Hindu culture aside)?

    The first answer is time. India has had decades of operating democracy, and, before independence, struggling for democracy. Egypt has had less than two years. Egypt’s political terrain was frozen and monopolized for decades — the same decades that political leaders from Mahatma Gandhi to Jawaharlal Nehru to Manmohan Singh “were building an exceptionally diverse, cacophonous, but impressively flexible and accommodating system,” notes the Stanford University democracy expert Larry Diamond, the author of “The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World.”

    Also, the dominant political party in India when it overthrew its colonial overlord “was probably the most multiethnic, inclusive and democratically minded political party to fight for independence in any 20th-century colony — the Indian National Congress,” said Diamond. While the dominant party when Egypt overthrew Hosni Mubarak’s tyranny, the Muslim Brotherhood, “was a religiously exclusivist party with deeply authoritarian roots that had only recently been evolving toward something more open and pluralistic.”

    Moreover, adds Diamond, compare the philosophies and political heirs of Mahatma Gandhi and Sayyid Qutb, the guiding light of the Muslim Brotherhood. “Nehru was not a saint, but he sought to preserve a spirit of tolerance and consensus, and to respect the rules,” notes Diamond. He also prized education. By contrast, added Diamond, “the hard-line Muslim Brotherhood leaders, who have been in the driver’s seat since Egypt started moving toward elections, have driven away the moderates from within their party, seized emergency powers, beaten their rivals in the streets, and now are seeking to ram a constitution that lacks consensus down the throats of a large segment of Egyptian society that feels excluded and aggrieved.”

    Then there is the military. Unlike in Pakistan, India’s postindependence leaders separated the military from politics. Unfortunately, in Egypt after the 1952 coup, Gamel Abdel Nasser brought the military into politics and all of his successors, right up to Mubarak, kept it there and were sustained by both the military and its intelligence services. Once Mubarak fell, and the new Brotherhood leaders pushed the army back to its barracks, Egypt’s generals clearly felt that they had to cut a deal to protect the huge web of economic interests they had built. “Their deep complicity in the old order led them to be compromised by the new order,” said Diamond. “Now they are not able to act as a restraining influence.”

    Yes, democracy matters. But the ruling Muslim Brotherhood needs to understand that democracy is so much more than just winning an election. It is nurturing a culture of inclusion, and of peaceful dialogue, where respect for leaders is earned by surprising opponents with compromises rather than dictates. The Nobel Prize-winning Indian economist Amartya Sen has long argued that it was India’s civilizational history of dialogue and argumentation that disposed it well to the formal institutions of democracy. More than anything, Egypt now needs to develop that kind of culture of dialogue, of peaceful and respectful arguing — it was totally suppressed under Mubarak — rather than rock-throwing, boycotting, conspiracy-mongering and waiting for America to denounce one side or the other, which has characterized too much of the postrevolutionary political scene. Elections without that culture are like a computer without software. It just doesn’t work.
    Main tere naseeb ki barish nahi Jo tujh pe baras jaon
    Tujhe taqdeer badalni hogi mujhe panay ke liye....!!!!

    मैं तेरे नसीब की बारिश नहीं जो तुझ पे बरस जाऊं,
    तुझे तकदीर बदलनी होगी मुझे पाने के लिए ....!!!!

    'میں تیرے نصیب کی بارش نہیں جو تجھ پہ برس جاؤں
    تجھے تقدیر بدلنی ہوگی مجھے پانے کے لئے

    "I'm not the rain of your fortune that i'll fall on you.You've to change your fate in order to get me."

  3. #23
    Administrator Aryan_B's Avatar
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    22 dead, army deployed in Egypt as crowd storms Port Said prison

    22 dead, army deployed in Egypt as crowd storms Port Said prison after stadium stampede death sentences

    Published: 26 January, 2013, 12:26

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    Egyptian protesters and fans of al-Masry football club take part in a demonstration in front of the prison in the Egyptian Suez Canal city of Port Said on January 25, 2013, calling for the prisoners who are suspected of killing 74 fans of al-Ahly club during a football match in February 2012, not to be transferred to Cairo to attend their trial. (AFP Photo)


    Twenty-two people have been killed, including two policemen, and 176 injured during clashes in Egypt’s Port Said. The army has been deployed in the canal city, where a crowd attempted to storm a prison after stadium riot death sentences were issued.
    The deadly assault follows the sentencing of 21 people to death for the riot and stampede in Port Said in which dozens were killed last February.

    As the verdict was issued in Port Said, the families of the condemned attempted to storm the city prison, Egyptian state TV reported. Several sources reported that automatic rifles using live ammunition have been shot from the crowd at the scene.
    Two police officers were gunned down outside the prison. There are also reports of 20 civilian deaths in the clashes, according to State TV.

    The Egyptian Army has been deployed to Port Said to uphold order. The entrances to the port city have been cordoned off.

    More than 70 accused are standing trial over the tragedy at the stadium. Among them are nine security officials.

    Saturday’s sentences are now to be confirmed by Egypt’s top religious authority, the Grand Mufti. The court is to hear the cases of the other accused in early March.
    The tragic riot on February 1, 2012, between fans of home team Al-Masry and Cairo's visiting Al-Ahly left over 70 people dead and sparked days of violent protests in the capital, which claimed 16 more lives. It was the deadliest football-related incident in 15 years and the worst in Egypt’s history
    .
    News of the verdict was welcomed with cheers and fireworks by members of the Ultras, the hard core fans of Al-Ahly. They were demonstrating in front of their club building.

    Relatives of the defendants protesting in Port Said expressed anger and dismay over the verdict.

    The sentencing comes the day after the second anniversary of the revolution that toppled Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. The date has been marked by violent protest in the country, which left at least nine people killed and hundreds injured.


    An Egyptian protester and fan of al-Masry football club waves a flare as others chant slogans during a demonstration in front of the prison in the Egyptian Suez Canal city of Port Said on January 25, 2013, calling for the prisoners who are suspected of killing 74 fans of al-Ahly club during a football match in February 2012, not to be transferred to Cairo to attend their trial. (AFP Photo)

  4. #24
    Senior Member Wajid47's Avatar
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    Egypt military chief warns of collapse of state

    CAIRO: Egyptian Defence Minister and military chief General Abdel Fattah al Sissi warned on Tuesday that the political crisis rocking the country could lead to the collapse of the state.

    Failure to resolve the situation “could lead to grave repercussions if the political forces do not act” to tackle it, Sissi said in comments posted on his Facebook page.

    “The continuing conflict between political forces and their differences concerning the management of the country could lead to a collapse of the state and threaten future generations,” Sissi said in the comments, which were extracts of a speech he gave to students at a military academy.

    Sissi further warned that the political, economic, social and security problems facing Egypt constitute “a threat to the country’s security and stability”.

    He stressed that “the attempts to undermine the stability of state institutions is a dangerous thing that harms national security and the future of the country,” but stressed that “the army will remain strong … as a pillar of the state’s foundations.”

    Fifty-two people have died in five days of violence that erupted Thursday night in Egypt as the country marked the second anniversary of the start of the uprising that toppled former president Hosni Mubarak.

    A curfew has been imposed in three provinces: Port Said, Ismailiya and Suez.

    The bloodiest clashes and most of the deaths have occurred in Port Said, with rioting breaking out on Saturday after 21 supporters of a local football club were sentenced to death for their roles in a deadly football riot last year.

    Reuters

  5. #25
    Senior Member KingKong's Avatar
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    Is street politics the enemy of democracy in Egypt?

    The head of the Egyptian army, General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, has warned that continuing political strife is pushing the country to the brink of collapse. So can the newly-formed democracy, forged in the revolution two years ago, survive?

    Leila, a teacher in her 40s, in a dark green headscarf, was one of many I talked to in Tahrir Square who was keen to give her views.

    Why, I wondered, was she back here now, exactly two years since the revolution to oust President Mubarak began, calling for his successor to step down? Because nothing's changed, she told me.

    "President [Mohammed] Morsi is no different. One mafia has replaced another. This is not what we fought for," she said.

    It was easy to draw parallels between what was happening now and at the start of the uprising in 2011.

    The sight of the square filled with protesters, the smell of teargas, the chanting of the same slogans and, tragically, the news filtering through of deaths in clashes elsewhere in the country.

    But, of course, something had changed.

    I put it to Leila that the man whose departure she was calling for wasn't a dictator, but a man her compatriots had voted for.

    We got a slightly troubling answer. "Yes, but the people who voted for him," she said, "are uneducated."

    I have heard several similar responses.

    One of those opposed to President Morsi is the political sociologist Dr Saed Sadak, from the American University in Cairo.

    "Morsi was rejected by the urban areas," he told me. "It was the rural parts of Egypt that voted for him and his Muslim Brotherhood."

    "Isn't that how democracy worked all over the world?" I replied. "Not everybody gets who they want, they can always vote him out next time."

    Dr Sadek's response was blunt. "It's like you're telling me to keep the babysitters I hired even if they are beating my child, just because we gave them a fixed term contract."

    Islamic law
    So what is it that President Morsi has done that has so angered the opposition protesters?

    Some told us it is because the pace of change has been too slow - though he has only been in the job seven months.

    Others talk of his constitution as a "power grab", even though that was passed by a referendum just a matter of weeks ago.

    In the end, for almost all of those we spoke to, it really appeared to boil down to one issue: the fear that with President Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, would come the Islamisation of Egypt.

    Perhaps you can understand the concerns about women's rights, the place of minorities in society, and the future introduction of more Islamic law... when they are expressed by those who fought for change two years ago and now feel betrayed.

    But not everyone who made sacrifices in 2011 was secularist.

    Faiza Abdel Hamid lost her son early in the revolution. Mustafa was shot dead by Mubarak's forces in a protest after Friday prayers. He had been leading the worshippers close to Tahrir Square.

    "We still don't have justice," she told me, when we went to see her on the street that has been renamed after her son.

    "That's because Mubarak and his sons didn't hang, and because their people are still everywhere in our system.... I believe in God," she told me, "and I believe in Muhammed Morsi".

    There are many like her.

    Anyone relying on a political solution to bring together people on either side of the huge divide exposed by the revolution, could have a long wait.

    The political system has stalled.

    Opposition groups refuse to engage with the president and the judiciary has dismissed parliament. Muhammed Morsi is accused of poor decision making, and he has done little concrete to allay the fears of liberals.

    It is street politics that rules for now.

    Two years ago, for the first time in generations, Egyptians saw a way to change things: civil disobedience. Those bloody days also taught them to lose their fear of the security forces.

    That has made it all the easier to demonstrate, whether it be about politics or, as we have seen recently, about a court decision in a trial about a football riot last year.

    But with street politics comes disruption and aggression and instability.

    So is this how it's going to be in the future? When one side's elected, will the other think the only option is to take to the streets until the president falls?

    How many times will that cycle repeat itself? Will democracy ever be a concept that takes root here?

    Many Egyptians, used to stability for so many decades, have had enough of the turmoil.

    Forty-one-year-old Muhammad Khamis grows vegetables in a village in southern Giza.

    "It's fine for people with money in your pocket, or foreign passports," he told us. "The people blocking everything the president does, have got millions in their bank accounts."

    He said they didn't mind if this economic crisis continued for years.

    "But a way has to be found - no money's coming in and I'm struggling to feed my family. I need this mess to end."

    BBC News - Is street politics the enemy of democracy in Egypt?

  6. #26
    Senior Member KingKong's Avatar
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    Egypt pulls out of talks to protest Middle East nuclear arms

    Egypt pulls out of talks to protest Middle East nuclear arms
    Reuters



    Reuters/Reuters - Egypt's President Mohamed Mursi (2nd R) stands after laying a wreath during his visit to the tomb of former President Anwar al-Sadat and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier during the commemoration

    CAIRO (Reuters) - Egypt said on Monday it was withdrawing from a second week of Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) talks in Geneva in protest at what it called the failure to implement a 1995 resolution for a Middle East free of nuclear weapons.

    That was an implicit reference to Israel which neither confirms nor denies having nuclear arms and is not a signatory to the NPT. Arab states and Iran say Israel's presumed nuclear arsenal poses a threat to Middle East peace and security.

    Cairo said it was pulling out of the talks "to send a strong message of**** ‬‬‬‬non-acceptance of the continued lack of seriousness in dealing with the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East".

    "We cannot continue waiting forever for the implementation of this resolution," Egypt's Foreign Ministry said in a statement carried by state news agency MENA. Cairo called on member states and international bodies "to bear responsibility for implementing legitimate international resolutions."

    U.S. and Israeli officials have said a nuclear arms-free zone in the Middle East could not be a reality until there was broad Arab-Israeli peace and Iran curbed its nuclear program, which Tehran says is for peaceful energy and research purposes.

    The two-week meeting in Geneva is to review progress in implementing the 1970 NPT, a treaty designed to prevent the spread of nuclear arms in the world.

    In a speech on the first day of the NPT conference on April 22, former Egyptian Ambassador to Geneva Hisham Badr said "Egypt and many Arab countries have joined the NPT with the understanding that this would lead to a Middle East completely free of nuclear weapons.

    "However, more than 30 years later, one country in the Middle East, namely Israel, remains outside the NPT," he said.

    (Reporting by Shaimaa Fayed in Cairo and Stephanie Nebehay in Geneva; Editing by Jon Hemming)

    Egypt pulls out of talks to protest Middle East nuclear arms

  7. #27
    Administrator Aryan_B's Avatar
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    Syria and Egypt can't be fixed

    Jun 17, '13

    Syria and Egypt can't be fixed
    By Spengler

    Syria and Egypt are dying. They were dying before the Syrian civil war broke out and before the Muslim Brotherhood took power in Cairo. Syria has an insoluble civil war and Egypt has an insoluble crisis because they are dying. They are dying because they chose not to do what China did: move the better part of a billion people from rural backwardness to a modern urban economy within a generation. Mexico would have died as well, without the option to send its rural poor - fully one-fifth of its population - to the United States.

    It was obvious to anyone who troubled to examine the data that Egypt could not maintain a bottomless pit in its balance of payments, created by a 50% dependency on imported food, not to mention an energy bill fed by subsidies that consumed a quarter of the national budget. It was obvious to Israeli analysts that the Syrian regime's belated attempt to modernize its agricultural sector would create a crisis as hundreds of thousands of displaced farmers gathered in slums on the outskirts of its cities. These facts were in evidence early in 2011 when Hosni Mubarak fell and the Syrian rebellion broke out. Paul Rivlin of Israel's Moshe Dayan Center published a devastating profile of Syria's economic failure in April 2011. [1]

    Sometimes countries dig themselves into a hole from which they cannot extricate themselves. Third World dictators typically keep their rural population poor, isolated and illiterate, the better to maintain control. That was the policy of Mexico's Institutional Revolutionary Party from the 1930s, which warehoused the rural poor in Stalin-modeled collective farms called ejidos occupying most of the national territory. That was also the intent of the Arab nationalist dictatorships in Egypt and Syria. The policy worked until it didn't. In Mexico, it stopped working during the debt crisis of the early 1980s, and Mexico's poor became America's problem. In Egypt and Syria, it stopped working in 2011. There is nowhere for Egyptians and Syrians to go.

    It is cheap to assuage Western consciences by sending some surplus arms to the Syrian Sunnis. No-one has proposed a way to find the more than US$20 billion a year that Egypt requires to stay afloat. In June 2011, then French president Nicholas Sarkozy talked about a Group of Eight support program of that order of magnitude. No Western (or Gulf State) government, though, is willing to pour that sort of money down an Egyptian sinkhole.

    Egypt remains a pre-modern society, with nearly 50% illiteracy, a 30% rate of consanguineal marriage, a 90% rate of female genital mutilation, and an un- or underemployment rate over 40%. Syria has neither enough oil nor water to maintain the bazaar economy dominated by the Assad family.

    Both were disasters waiting to happen. Economics, to be sure, set the stage but did not give the cues: Syria's radical Sunnis revolted in part out of enthusiasm for the ascendancy of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and partly in fear of Iran's ambition to foster Shi'ite ascendancy in the region.

    It took nearly two years for the chattering classes to take stock of Egypt's economic disaster. The New York Times' Thomas Friedman, the benchmark for liberal opinion on foreign policy, gushed like an adolescent about the tech-savvy activists of Tahrir Square in early 2011. Last week he visited a Cairo bakery and watched the Egyptian poor jostling for subsidized bread. Some left hungry. [2] As malnutrition afflicts roughly a quarter of Egyptians in the World Health Organization's estimate, and the Muslim Brotherhood government waits for a bumper wheat crop that never will come, Egypt is slowly dying. Emergency loans from Qatar and Libya slowed the national necrosis but did not stop it.

    This background lends an air of absurdity to the present debate over whether the West should arm Syria's Sunni rebels. American hawks like Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham, to be sure, argue for sending arms to the Sunnis because they think it politically unwise to propose an attack on the Assad regime's master, namely Iran. The Obama administration has agreed to arm the Sunnis because it costs nothing to pre-empt Republican criticism. We have a repetition of the "dumb and dumber" consensus that prevailed during early 2011, when the Republican hawks called for intervention in Libya and the Obama administration obliged. Call it the foreign policy version of the sequel, "Dumb and Dumberer".

    Even if the Sunnis could eject the Assad family from Damascus and establish a new government - which I doubt - the best case scenario would be another Egypt: a Muslim Brotherhood government presiding over a collapsed economy and sliding inevitably towards state failure. It is too late even for this kind of arrangement. Equalizing the military position of the two sides will merely increase the body count. The only humane thing to do is to partition the country on the Yugoslav model, but that does not appear to be on the agenda of any government.

    Notes:
    1. See Israel the winner in the Arab revolts, Asia Times Online, April 12, 2011.
    2. Egypt's Perilous Drift, New York Times, June 15, 2013.

    Spengler is channeled by David P Goldman. His book How Civilizations Die (and why Islam is Dying, Too) was published by Regnery Press in September 2011. A volume of his essays on culture, religion and economics, It's Not the End of the World - It's Just the End of You, also appeared this fall, from Van Praag Press.

    http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_...01-170613.html

  8. #28
    Senior Member Felix's Avatar
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    Egypt Military Coup - Morsi Elected government overthrown

    Sunni Muslim villagers have killed four Shia Muslim men in Egypt after accusing them of trying to spread their version of Islam, according to security officials.

    The four were beaten to death on Sunday in Giza province, near the capital Cairo, in one of the most serious sectarian incidents in Egypt in recent months.

    The Health Ministry confirmed the death toll, adding that scores of Shias were seriously injured in the attack.

    About 3,000 angry villagers, including ultraconservative Sunni Salafists, surrounded the house of Hassan Shehata, a Shia leader, threatening to set it on fire if 34 Shias inside did not leave the village before the end of the day, according to the officials.

    When they refused, villagers attacked them, dragged them along the ground, and partially burned the house, the officials said.

    The Shias were performing religious rituals outside the house when they were attacked, according to the officials.

    Rising sectarian unrest

    Sectarian violence has increased over the past two years, but usually the targets of Muslim radicals have been Christians, not Shias.

    Christians make up about 10 percent of the population.

    Shias, who form just one percent of Egypt's population which is primarily Sunni Muslim, are often accused of being under the influence of Iran, which is ruled by a Shia theocracy.

    Recent arrivals in Egypt of small groups of tourists from Iran had to be suspended after protests by hardline Salafists.

    Sunday's attack came several days after a number of Salafis insulted Shias during a rally attended by Egypt's President Mohamed Morsi, who listened silently while remaining impassive.

    A Salafist preacher, Mohammed Hassan, called on Morsi "not to open the doors of Egypt" to Shias, saying that "they never entered a place without corrupting it".

    Salafists consider Shias as heretics.

    http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middle...255465595.html
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  9. #29
    Senior Member KingKong's Avatar
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    Is Egypt on the verge of civil war?

    Is Egypt on the verge of civil war?
    By Monte Palmer


    As the US struggles to cope with the civil wars in Syria, Libya, the Sudan and Iraq, it must also ponder the prospect of a civil war in Egypt.

    Egypt has been in a state of chaos since the Arab Spring Revolution of January 2011 and there is no end in sight.

    In addition to destroying the center of stability in in the Arab world for the past five decades, a civil war in Egypt would fuel existing civil conflicts in Libya, Yemen, Syria, the Sudan, and Iraq.

    Civil wars in Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, and Jordan might not be far behind. All are linked to Egypt by a vast network of Islamic fundamentalist groups ranging from the moderate Muslim Brotherhood to the ultra violent salafi-jihadists.

    The broader ramifications of an Egyptian civil war would certainly include the rekindling of a long dormant Arab-Israeli conflict and a deepening of the Muslim wars of religion being played out in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and the Persian Gulf.

    Is Egypt on the verge of civil war? General Fua'd Al'lam, a general in the Egyptian Security Services and former Director of Security in Port Said, believes that it is.

    In an interview entitled, "Civil War on the Doorstep Followed by the Revolution of the Hungry," General Al'lam warns that continued chaos will result in civil war and the splintering of Egypt into several mini-states. He goes on to warn, "Civil war is very close, the revolution of hunger very, very close." [1]

    The General's warning was not without foundation. Egypt clearly possesses the preconditions for civil war. The ability of the Egyptian government to meet the basic needs of its population for food, shelter, work, and security fades by the day. Public services have followed suit as shortages of fuel and electricity have become endemic. Religious and class tensions have increased apace, as have political riots and demonstrations. All reflect an economy on the verge of collapse.

    Riots and demonstrations are only part of the picture. Political militias are forming, most armed by weapons flowing into Egypt from Libya and the Gaza Strip. There are also an untold number of criminal gangs, religious police, armed tribes, feuding clans, private security firms, and anarchist groups such as the hooded Black Block whose members kill at random. More frightening are calls for arming the public and the creation of a "National Guard" independent of the security forces.

    Egypt's situation is unlikely to improve in the foreseeable future because its political institutions are in disarray. The popularly elected Muslim Brotherhood controls both the presidency and the parliament. However, it can't rule effectively in the face of sustained opposition from the seculars, the ultra Islamic extremists, and the entrenched remnants of the old regime.

    The seculars riot, and protest. The ultra Islamic extremists create an endless series of crises by attacking churches, kidnapping soldiers, and lobbing rockets at Israel. The remnants of the old regime use their control of the judiciary to declare laws enacted by the Brotherhood unconstitutional.

    Meanwhile, the parliament itself, has been declared unconstitutional and remains in limbo.

    So deep is the conflict between the Muslim Brotherhood and its adversaries that reconciliation is probably beyond hope. The Brotherhood clings to power in the hope of transforming Egypt into the centerpiece of a modern Islamic empire that blends strict Islamic morality with economic and technological development.

    The opposition, judging by its behavior, would rather see Egypt plunged into civil war than allow this to happen.

    The conflict between the Brotherhood and its adversaries pales in comparison to the conflict between the secular-liberals and the ultra-Islamic extremists. The secular-liberals refuse to accept Islamic rule whatever its claims of moderation.

    For the ultra-Islamic extremists, the Brotherhood is far too moderate for their vision of Islamic purity. Some go so far as to claim that the Brotherhood is a tool of the devil that uses Islamic slogans to destroy Islam from within.

    If one of the Brotherhood's adversaries seized power, their mutual hostility and the opposition of the Brotherhood will render sustained rule impossible. It couldn't be otherwise.

    The Brotherhood dominates the center of Egypt's political spectrum while the three fragmented opposition currents revolve around it as mutually hostile satellites that fear each other more than they fear the Brotherhood.

    This doesn't mean that temporary alliances to destroy the Brotherhood are out of the question. The jihadists, the ultra of the ultra Islamic extremists, openly admit that they support the secular opposition in Egypt as the first step in paving the way for a pure Islamic revolution that will sweep all vestiges of modernity from the Islamic world.

    The security forces could step in and establish order, but they are reluctant to do so. The Minister of Defense and Head of the Military appointed by the Brotherhood responded to calls for a military government by warning, "This military is fire. Don't play with it. Forget it. If the military takes over, it will set back progress in Egypt by forty years." [2]

    The police are part of the problem. Some have disappeared into the woodwork while others are choosing sides between the seculars and the ruling Muslim Brotherhood. So dire is the situation that a recent Al-Jazeera program opened with the premise that Egyptians had totally lost confidence in their police. In the broadcast, an official attempting to defend the police claimed that they were trying their best, but had been overwhelmed by waves of crime and violence beyond their control.

    This said, he acknowledged that the police were poorly trained and warned that they were being drawn into the political fray. [3] General Al'lam's interview adds fuel to the discussion by noting that most of the police are from poor backgrounds and view the upper classes with spite and envy.

    The threat of civil war deepens if one examines the prevailing mood of the Egyptian population. The inflated expectations unleashed by the January 2011 revolution have crashed in a sea of hopelessness and despair. In their wake have come calls for a savior and a return of authoritarianism. It is also a mood intensified by a lethal mix of fear, distrust, spite, and revenge.

    A heavy dose of self-righteousness contributes to Egypt's malaise by making compromise all but impossible. The reigning Brotherhood president claims the right to rule based upon faith and the mandate of the people. The secular-liberals claim the right to destroy a popularly elected president on the grounds that he was elected by an ignorant and backward majority of the Egyptian population. Only they, in their view, can lead Egypt to democracy and development. The ultra extremists view their efforts to return Egypt to a time warp of 7th century Arabia as the will of God because it is they, and not the Brotherhood, who possess the true message of Islam.

    Given this psychological environment, survival has become an end in itself. Concern for the common good, never strong, has all but disappeared. A more detailed discussion of these and related psychological considerations can be found in my recently published The Arab Psyche and American Frustrations. [4]

    These concerns rest most heavily on the ruling Muslim Brotherhood that has accomplished little in its two years in office. Despair within the Brotherhood has deepened as it tries desperately to convince the public that it has everything under control.

    If the situation doesn't improve soon, the Brotherhood risks losing face as well as the desertion of supporters. Even hardcore supporters have begun to worry that progress toward the creation of a modern Islamic state has been minimal. To the contrary, they see the Brotherhood sacrificing its claim to morality by pandering to the US and tolerating a tourist industry that thrives on bars, booze, casinos and semi-nude beaches.

    Something has to give but what? Time is running out. While the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice party continues to pursue a democratic strategy in the hope of leading a modern Islamic revival that blends modernity and morality, the office of the Supreme Guide ponders an iron fisted strategy of crushing the opposition and ruling by force. It is the Supreme Guide of the Brotherhood that will have the final say on the matter.

    In many ways, a psychological civil war has already begun with bluffing and posturing on all sides. While the ruling Muslim Brotherhood struggles to convince a restless public that everything is under control, its opponents lace an unrestrained media with conspiracy theories so bizarre that reality has all but disappeared.

    One conspiracy theory accuses the Brotherhood of importing thousands of Revolutionary Guards from Iran to keep it in power. Another accuses the Brotherhood of being a puppet of Israel and the United States. A third accuses the military of training Brotherhood militias. The list is endless. Rational decision-making has become all but impossible as the Egyptian media focuses on fear mongering rather than news.

    If the masses are primed for revolution and no one can rule effectively, civil war and the fragmentation of Egypt into several mini-states may become a distinct possibility. The fault lines for a civil war begin with the irreconcilable divide between the seculars and the diverse advocates of Islamic rule crowned by ultra extremists intent on establishing caliphates in the remote areas of the Sinai and Upper Egypt. It is these caliphates that will provide the greatest potential for a splintering of Egypt.

    The ideological fault line is deepened by the chasm of education, wealth, geography, and religion. It is in the vast slums of Cairo and Alexandria that the ultra extremists thrive. A majority of the residents of these areas, according to a recent survey, have never heard of the leading secular-liberal coalition that finds its support among the rich and college educated.

    Religious conflicts have also become ugly. While Egyptian Coptic Christians, roughly 10-15% of the population, have lived in peace among Egypt's Muslim majority, fear of being forced to live under Islamic law has driven them to the side of the secular opposition.

    The psychological civil war being fought in the press and on satellite channels is increasingly being reflected in low level conflict along the fault lines outlined above.

    The ultra-Islamic extremists kidnap soldiers in the Sinai, launch rockets at Israel, torch Christian churches, and burn bars and other dens of iniquity. Not to be out done, the seculars collect millions of signatures calling for the removal of the Brotherhood president and warn that counter demonstrations by the Brotherhood will be the first step in a looming civil war.

    The supporters of the Brotherhood responded in kind. Each blames the other of violent attacks on their members. Anarchists and armed clans add to the fray by blocking major thoroughfares and cutting rail lines.

    Fault lines, however deep, do not imply coherence or cohesion.

    The secular-liberals have no internal cohesion, no plan for the future, and no agreement on who should run the country if they succeed in toppling the Muslim Brotherhood. The best they can agree on is that the head of Constitutional Court, a relic of the deposed regime that declared Egypt's first reasonably fair elections unconstitutional, will become acting President until they can sort things out. Millions of hungry frustrated Egyptians may have signed petitions calling for the ouster of a failed Brotherhood president, but despair hardly qualifies as support for an ephemeral secular-liberal block that has no identity other than its opposition to Islamic rule.

    The ultra Islamic extremists are also devoid of a clear strategy and quibble over what to do with the Brotherhood. Some want to use the Brotherhood as a steppingstone to a true Islamic revolution. Others fear it as a seductive alternative to their vision of Islamic rule similar to that of the Taliban in Afghanistan.

    What the millions of signatures do indicate is that crowd psychology, rather than faith or ideology, is coming to the fore. They also indicate that the Brotherhood's position as the center of Egypt's political spectrum will fade unless it can meet the demands of the Egyptian masses for food, jobs, security, and Islamic morality. Its democratic strategy is not working. Whether the Brotherhood can right the ship by authoritarian means remains to be seen.

    Either way, the potential for civil war increases. So does the prospect that much of the Brotherhood's popular support will drift toward the ultra extremists.

    In the meantime, a much divided and confused international community is doing its best to muddy Egyptian waters.

    The West is pouring money into Egypt in the vain hope that privatization will bring peace to the Nile. In reality, privatization has already been abandoned, and infusions of cash will be spent on temporary subsidies or consumed by corruption. Whatever the case, the money will disappear and things will return to square one. How can it be otherwise when no one is in charge?

    The US, Saudi Arabia, and Israel are attempting to block any form of Islamic rule by encouraging the Egyptian military to take a greater role in Egypt's political life. Efforts by the US-Saudi -Israeli axis are countered by a Qatar-Turkish axis that is betting on the Muslim Brotherhood. Both believe that the Brotherhood is not going away.

    They also prefer the Brotherhood's vision of Islam to that of the ultra extremists. The Iranians, Russians and Chinese are also playing the Brotherhood card in as a ploy to counter the US control of the Middle East. Things remain vague, but the probability of a civil war in Egypt can only be deepened by its transformation by into a proxy war between the reigning international and regional powers.

    Notes:
    1. Al'lam, Fua'd. "Egypt is on the Doorstep of Civil War, Followed by the Revolution of the Hungry." Elgornal, 31 March 2013. (Arabic)
    2. Ziyani, Firouz. "Performance of the Police in Egypt ." Al-Jazeera, 18 April 2013.
    3. Al-Sisi, Abd Al-Fatah. "If The Army Descends into the Streets, Egypt Will Not Progress for Forty Years." Elgornal, 11 May 2013. (Arabic)
    4. Palmer, Monte. The Arab Psyche and American Frustrations. Charleston: CreateSpace, 2012. (For a review of this book, please see Hilal Khashan, "Brief Reviews," The Middle East Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Summer 2013.

    http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_...01-250613.html
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    Senior Member sami's Avatar
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    ‘Morsi tries to ram Sharia constitution down Egyptian people's throats’

    ‘Morsi tries to ram Sharia constitution down Egyptian people's throats’

    William Engdahl is an award-winning geopolitical analyst and strategic risk consultant whose internationally best-selling books have been translated into thirteen foreign languages.
    June 29, 2013


    President Morsi’s attempts to push through a Sharia constitution go against Egyptian cultural tradition and spark an even worse uprising as people don’t want religion to be dictated, political analyst and author William Engdahl told RT.

    RT: Despite Morsi having strong support in the country, why is there so much anger at him and the Muslim Brotherhood at present?

    William Engdahl: I think a number of issues. Number one – is trying to ram a Sharia constitution down the throats of the Egyptian people. That goes against Egyptian cultural tradition – 80-90 per cent of the population are Sunni Muslims – but it is a tradition of tolerance for other religion groups, Coptic and other Islamic groups. The other thing is the economy. Morsi has done nothing to improve the economy. In fact the economy has generated youth unemployment to bulge to an explosive level. That I think is a lot to do with the tinderbox that you see in the streets right now. But the other thing is that the military hasn’t yet weighed in as to whether they are going to continue to back Morsi as they have done under enormous Washington pressure – they are dependent on Washington for military aid and have been for decades. But the interesting new factor is that the Tamarod campaign – the reorganized opposition group that led the protest a year ago in Tahrir Square and elsewhere – they have claimed to have gathered a 15 million-strong petition asking for Morsi to step down. I think this is a make or break situation. The Obama administration continues to back the Muslim Brotherhood, which is a very unfortunate thing, but that’s a part of a larger geopolitical agenda that Washington and the State Department have built up over the past years.

    RT: The US supported the uprising that brought Morsi to power. Now the opposition's calling for a ''second revolution'', do you see Washington playing a part?

    WE: I think there is a question whether that was a democratic election because a lot of the opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood were simply in disarray and Washington pressed for an early election. The military thought they had done a deal with Morsi that he would be a figurehead and as soon as Morsi got into power he renaged on that deal, he fired chiefs of staff and so forth, and did it with backing from Washington. The Obama administration is backing the Muslim Brotherhood agenda here and in Syria with the opposition there.

    RT: Could Sunday prove to be a watershed moment?

    ME: There is no question that it is going to be massive. Morsi has already indicated he is going to take an Erdogan kind of brute force state power reaction to try to terrorize the opposition, but that is not going to work at this point. I have talked to people who were in Tahrir Square demonstrations two year ago and it is like a festering boil that has been growing as long as Morsi has shown that he has done nothing to improve the fundamentals of the economy. All he has done is introduce or he tried to introduce that fundamental constitution that would turn Egypt into a Sharia state. Most Egyptians don’t want that. They want to have their religion in private, but not to have the state dictate to them exactly what it is going to look like.

    http://rt.com/op-edge/morsi-sharia-c...ion-egypt-409/

  11. #31
    Senior Member Sinbad's Avatar
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    Egypt Morsi: Mass political protests grip cities

    Mass protests calling for the resignation of Egypt's President Mohammed Morsi and early presidential elections are gripping the capital, Cairo, and other cities.

    Opponents massed in Tahrir Square, focus of protests which brought down ex-leader Hosni Mubarak.

    They accuse Mr Morsi of failing to tackle economic and security problems since taking power a year ago.

    A presidential spokesman urged them to respect the democratic process.

    Morsi supporters massed in the Cairo suburb of Nasr City with banners denouncing the opposition.

    The president's critics say the country's first Islamist president has put the agenda of the Muslim Brotherhood party ahead of the country's wider interests.

    In Cairo, they have been chanting: "Irhal! Irhal!" ("Leave! Leave!"), reports the BBC's Aleem Maqbool.

    Demonstrations are being reported across the country

    In Alexandria, the second-biggest city, thousands of protesters gathered for a march to the central Sidi Gaber area, BBC Arabic's Rami Gabr reports
    A big stage is being erected in the main square of the Suez Canal city of Port Said, and protesters are checking the identities of those going in and out of the square, BBC Arabic's Attia Nabil reports
    Rallies are also expected in Suez, Monofia and Sharqiya - the birthplace of President Morsi.
    Windows in the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters in Cairo were reinforced with sandbags ahead of the protests, the BBC's Mohamed Assad reports.

    Some Morsi supporters in Nasr City are wearing banners saying that they are willing to be martyrs for the cause of keeping the president in power.

    Society split

    Presidential spokesman Ihab Fahmi called on all Egyptians to "unite and listen to the sound of wisdom".

    "Political diversity necessitates on all parties to abide by the democratic process," he said.

    The chants in Tahrir Square alternate between humorous songs and angry protestations, all calling for the president to step down.

    Egyptians have been talking about this day for many weeks - with the opposition vowing not to leave until Mr Morsi steps down and calls early presidential elections, our correspondent says.

    But supporters of Mr Morsi point out that he was elected and say he should see out his full term in office, so there is a real split in Egyptian society at the moment, he adds.

    Opposition activists say more than 22 million people have signed a petition seeking a snap election. They have urged the signatories to turn up in Tahrir Square.

    The grassroots movement Tamarod (Rebellion) is behind the petition, which has united liberal and secular opposition groups, including the National Salvation Front.

    However, many ordinary Egyptians - angered by Mr Morsi's political and economic policies - are also taking part in the rally in Tahrir.

    Hanan Bakr, who travelled specially from Dubai where she lives, to join the "second Egyptian revolution", told the BBC: "I'm hoping to stay on the streets until the whole regime of the Brotherhood is brought down."

    "If Egypt falls under Islamist extremism, this will affect the whole region," the demonstrator said.

    President Morsi earlier this week offered a dialogue - a move rejected by his opponents.

    Mr Morsi, who hails from the Muslim Brotherhood, became Egypt's first Islamist president on 30 June 2012, after winning an election considered free and fair.

    His first year as president has been marred by constant political unrest and a sinking economy.

    http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-23115821

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    Re: Egypt Morsi: Mass political protests grip cities

    Egypt’s Army Issues Ultimatum to Morsi


    CAIRO — Egypt’s armed forces threatened on Monday to intervene in the country’s increasingly violent political crisis, warning President Mohamed Morsi and other politicians that they had 48 hours to respond to an outpouring of popular protests that have included demands for his resignation.

    In a statement read on state television, Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the head of the Egyptian military, said the mass demonstrations that intensified over the weekend, including the storming of the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters in Cairo early Monday, reflected an “unprecedented” expression of popular anger at Mr. Morsi and his Islamist backers in the brotherhood during his first year in power.

    It was unclear from the general’s statement whether the military was specifically demanding that Mr. Morsi resign. But the statement said that if Mr. Morsi did not take steps to address demands for a more inclusive government, the armed forces would move to impose their “own road map for the future.”

    People listening to the military announcement at a sit-in near the presidential palace broke into cheers. "The army and the people are one hand!" they chanted. Cars, honking horns, started streaming toward the palace. A group of army officers, driving by the sit-in in an old Russian Lada, were greeted warmly, with horns and whistles.

    Around the sit-in tents, organizers with the Rebel movement, which has led the demonstrations, talked about the implications of the announcement. "I think it's late," said Hassan Ismail, a local organizer. "There has been a lot of blood."

    The organizers, who are demanding the removal of Mr. Morsi, discounted the possibility that army's ultimatum would result in a compromise that would keep Mr. Morsi in power. If it did, they said, the protests would continue.

    "We don't want to be against the army," Mr. Ismail said. "And we don't want the army to be against us."

    The Health Ministry said on Monday that 16 people had died in the protests, including eight in the battle outside the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters, most of them from gunshot wounds. All of those killed outside the headquarters were young, including one who was 14 and another who was 19, the ministry said. One died of heat-related causes at a demonstration outside the presidential palace.

    After dawn broke Monday, some demonstrators remained in Tahrir Square, epicenter of Egypt’s Arab Spring revolution, resting under impromptu shelters. While much of the protest elsewhere in Cairo seemed peaceful, activists reported dozens of sexual assaults on women in Tahrir Square overnight.

    The fiercest confrontation seemed to be at the Brotherhood headquarters where members of the organization who were trapped inside fired bursts of birdshot at the attackers and wounded several of them.

    After pelting the almost-empty building for hours with stones, gasoline bombs and fireworks, the attackers doused its logo with kerosene and set it on fire, witnesses said, seeming to throw what appeared to be sandbags used to fortify the windows out onto the street.

    It was not immediately clear what became of the Brotherhood members, but shortly before the building was stormed, armored government vehicles were seen in the area, possibly as part of an evacuation team.

    News reports on Monday spoke of fatalities across the nation numbering around 16.

    The scale of the demonstrations, just one year after crowds in the same square cheered Mr. Morsi’s inauguration, appeared to exceed even the mass street protests in the heady final days of the uprising that overthrew President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. At a moment when Mr. Morsi is still struggling to control the bureaucracy and just beginning to build public support for painful economic reforms, the protests have raised new hurdles to his ability to lead the country as well as new questions about Egypt’s path to stability.

    Clashes between Mr. Morsi’s opponents and supporters broke out in several cities around the country, killing at least seven people — one in the southern town of Beni Suef, four in the southern town of Assiut and two in Cairo — and injuring hundreds. Protesters ransacked Brotherhood offices around the country.

    Demonstrators said they were angry about the lack of public security, the desperate state of the Egyptian economy and an increase in sectarian tensions. But the common denominator across the country was the conviction that Mr. Morsi had failed to transcend his roots in the Brotherhood, an insular Islamist group officially outlawed under Mr. Mubarak that is now considered Egypt’s most formidable political force.

    The scale of the protests across the country delivered a sharp rebuke to the group’s claim that its victories in Egypt’s newly open parliamentary and presidential elections gave it a mandate to speak for most Egyptians.

    “Enough is enough,” said Alaa al-Aswany, a prominent Egyptian writer who was among the many at the protests who had supported the president just a year ago. “It has been decided for Mr. Morsi. Now, we are waiting for him to understand.”

    Shadi Hamid, a researcher at the Brookings Doha Center in Qatar who studies the Muslim Brotherhood closely, said: “The Brotherhood underestimated its opposition.” He added: “This is going to be a real moment of truth for the Brotherhood.”

    Mr. Morsi and Brotherhood leaders have often ascribed much of the opposition in the streets to a conspiracy led by Mubarak-era political and financial elites determined to bring them down, and they have resisted concessions in the belief that the opposition’s only real motive is the Brotherhood’s defeat. But no conspiracy can bring millions to the streets, and by Sunday night some analysts said the protests would send a message to other Islamist groups around the region in the aftermath of the Arab Spring.

    “It is a cautionary note: Don’t be too eager for power, and try to think how you do it,” Mr. Hamid said, faulting the Egyptian Brotherhood for seeking to take most of the power for itself all at once. “I hear concern from Islamists around the region about how the Brotherhood is tainting Islamism.”

    Mr. Morsi’s administration appeared caught by surprise. “There are protests; this is a reality,” Omar Amer, a spokesman for the president, said at a midnight news conference. “We don’t underestimate the scale of the protests, and we don’t underestimate the scale of the demands.” He said the administration was open to discussing any demands consistent with the Constitution, but he also seemed exasperated, sputtering questions back at the journalists. “Do you have a better idea? Do you have an initiative?” he asked. “Suggest a solution and we’re willing to consider it seriously.”

    Many vowed to stay in the streets until Mr. Morsi resigned. Some joked that it should be comparatively easy: Just two years ago, Egyptian protesters toppled a more powerful president, even though he controlled a fearsome police state. But there is no legal mechanism to remove Mr. Morsi until the election of a new Parliament, expected later this year, and even some critics acknowledge that forcing the first democratically elected president from power would set a precedent for future instability.

    Some of the protesters called for another intervention by the military, which seized power from Mr. Mubarak and held onto it for more than a year. Chants were directed to the defense minister, Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi: “Come on Sisi, make a decision!”

    General Sisi, for his part, has stayed carefully neutral, feeding the protesters’ hopes. In a statement last week urging the president and his opponents to compromise, the general said the military would “intervene to keep Egypt from sliding into a dark tunnel of conflict, internal fighting, criminality, accusations of treason, sectarian discord and the collapse of state institutions.”

    Many in the opposition saw the statement as an indication that if the protests Sunday were disruptive enough, the military would take over once again. The military sent four helicopters flying low over a demonstration in Tahrir Square in Cairo on Sunday to reinforce its power and control, and many below cheered.

    The Web site of the flagship state newspaper, Al Ahram, reported Sunday that soldiers had been ordered only to “protect the will of the people without bias to any side at the expense of the other, especially as the political forces have not reached any formula of consensus.”

    The extrication of the military from power was the biggest achievement of Mr. Morsi’s first year in office. Last August, months after his election, the generals finally went back to their barracks and allowed him to take full power as president, although the military retains considerable autonomy under Egypt’s new Constitution.

    But Mr. Morsi continued to battle institutions within his own government left over from Mr. Mubarak, most notably the judiciary, and some of those fights contributed to the protests that peaked Sunday. The protests began in November, when he tried to declare himself above the courts until the passage of a new Constitution, a move that reinforced the fears of his opponents and perhaps the general public that he threatened to become a new autocrat.

    “He was of the revolution,” said Magdi Morsi, an airline flight planner demonstrating in front of the presidential palace who is not related to the president. He said he had voted for Brotherhood candidates for Parliament as well as for Mr. Morsi but had turned against them for failing to deliver on their promises. “I decided he was a big liar,” he said. “He must leave. The public is against him now.”

    The police, another institution left intact from the Mubarak government, are in open revolt against Mr. Morsi. In anticipation of the protests Sunday, the interior minister had already announced that the police would not protect the offices of the Muslim Brotherhood from attack. And when the protests began, police officers were almost nowhere to be found.

    Several officers in uniform joined the protesters in Tahrir Square calling for Mr. Morsi’s ouster and asking the military to intervene. Two officers were seen in the vicinity of the attack on the Brotherhood’s headquarters talking on hand-held radios, but they did nothing to intervene.

    Two armored vehicles from the interior security forces later arrived but also did nothing to stop the attack. The officers listened for a while as the attackers appealed to them to arrest the few Brotherhood members trying to defend their headquarters with birdshot, and then they left.

    The attackers used green pen lasers to search for figures at the windows of the Brotherhood offices, then hurled Molotov cocktails. They vowed to show no mercy on the members inside. “Their leaders have left them like sheeps for the slaughter,” one said. Two people were killed in the violence at the headquarters, medics there said.

    Thousands of Mr. Morsi’s supporters in the Muslim Brotherhood had gathered at a rally near the presidential palace to prepare to defend it if the protesters tried to attack. Many brought batons, pipes, bats, hard hats or motorcycle helmets, even woks or scraps of metal to use as shields. They stood at attention with clubs raised and marched together. “We will sacrifice our lives for our religion,” some chanted. “Morsi’s men are everywhere.”

    http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/02/wo...gewanted=3&hpw

  13. #33
    Senior Member Pak92's Avatar
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    Re: Egypt Morsi: Mass political protests grip cities

    Morsi has been a bit disappointing to say the least

  14. #34
    Senior Member Mirza44's Avatar
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    Muslim Brotherhood Is Losing Their Grip On Egypt

    The citizens of Egypt have hit the streets in Cairo over the last few days to show their formal protest against their president, Mohamed Mursi. It is estimated that the Muslim Brotherhood is losing their grip on Egypt, as citizens have demanded that they do not want an Islamic government running their country. Recent elections across the country have oddly fallen in favor of politicians in-line with the Muslim Brotherhood. The people are speaking up, and want them to cease their tightening grip on the country.

    Muslim Brotherhood Is Losing Their Grip On Egypt

    In approximately one year, the Muslim Brotherhood has lead the country further into corruption and disaster. People have been persecuted for their religious beliefs, and for speaking up about the government’s mistreatment of people and abuse of power. The entire time the Muslim Brotherhood has been in power the people have been protesting. This time the estimates show that more people are protesting now in Cairo than they did in 2011 when they demanded the resignation of President Mubarak.

    Some of the protests have turned violent, which is to be expected considering the size and scope of these protests. Some of the pro-Islamic supporters have chosen to stand off against the anti-Mursi protesters. The protesters seem undisturbed by the violence, and have even set off bombs near the presidential palace outside of Tahrir Square. Perhaps this protest will see the end of Mohamed Mursi’s short reign over their country, and along with it the end of the political party for good throughout the world.

    What the people in Egypt want more than anything at this point is religious freedom and a stable economy. Egypt has been unable to successfully recover economically after the 2011 Arab Spring. Tourism throughout the country has been down, which was one of the main sources of revenue and business within Cairo and other important cities. Not all of the decline in tourism can be directly linked to Egypt itself, as there is still a lot of political instability throughout the entire region.

  15. #35
    Senior Member Express's Avatar
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    Re: Egypt Morsi: Mass political protests grip cities

    Quote Originally Posted by Pak92 View Post
    Morsi has been a bit disappointing to say the least
    Have to agree. Don't think Egyptians really wanted Islamic brotherhood it was just the only organised opposition with some traction
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  16. #36
    Senior Member sami's Avatar
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    Egypt on the Brink, U.S. Marines at the Ready.

    By John Reed


    Egypt on the Brink, U.S. Marines at the Ready.


    Egyptian President Mohamed Morsy and his political allies remain defiant as the 11:00 AM EST deadline for to meet the demands of millions of Egyptians who want him gone approaches and the risk of a military coup grows. Remember, the Egyptian military has said that it will take over the government and implement a roadmap that involves suspending the constitution and dissolving the Islamist-led parliament.


    Morsy's political party, the Muslim Brotherhood, appears to be readying itself for a fight. There are even reports of Egyptian security forces firing on the houses of Muslim Brotherhood officials.


    Here's what FP's man in Cairo, David Kenner, reports this morning.


    "Essam el-Erian, a Brotherhood leader and vice chairman of the movement's political party, said that wise men should convince the army to back down lest it 'meet the same fate as the Syrian Baathist army,' according to the Egyptian daily al-Ahram.


    Morsy himself has also showed no signs of backing down. In a speech last night, he harped on the concept of his legitimacy - repeating the word a total of 57 times -- which he said was conferred by his democratic election and made it unthinkable for him to step down from power. 'If the price of preserving legitimacy is my blood, I am prepared to pay it,' he said.


    Other Brotherhood leaders have also made comments seemingly preparing their supporters for violence. Brotherhood leader Mohamed el-Beltagy told a pro-Morsy crowd gathered in Cairo's Raba'a el-Adaweyya Square on Monday, 'We swear to God, we won't allow any coup against legitimacy, except over our dead bodies.'


    But even as the Muslim Brotherhood is digging in, the pillars of its support appear to be crumbling all around it. Many state institutions are in open rebellion: The front page of the state newspaper al-Ahram trumpeted that the day would bring Morsy's 'dismissal or resignation.' Even the Twitter account of the Egyptian Cabinet has fallen out of the president's hands: In a message posted this morning, the account denounced Morsy's speech, saying that it will lead to civil war'."

    More importantly, even some of the Brotherhood's Islamist allies are stepping away from what they appear to see as a sinking ship. On Monday, the Salafist Nour Party released a statement urging Morsy to call early presidential elections and establish a technocratic government. The Salafi Dawa, another hardline movement, delivered a similar message.

    The Brotherhood's defiance has seemingly provoked an increasingly harsh response from the security forces. Brotherhood leader Khairat al-Shater's house was fired upon by police officers, and his bodyguards were arrested. There have also been reports that the military slapped a travel ban on top Brotherhood officials.

    The stage, then, seems set for a confrontation in just a few short hours. As a post on a popular Facebook page close to the armed forces put it, the military is prepared to defend the country from "terrorists, radicals, and fools."

    http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/...gin_redirect=0

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    Senior Member Wattan's Avatar
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    Re: Egypt on the Brink, U.S. Marines at the Ready.

    self delete

  18. #38
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    Re: Egypt on the Brink, U.S. Marines at the Ready.

    No doubt American/Israelis and their Saudi allies will be itching to take advantage

  19. #39
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    Egyptian nightmare for Erdogan

    Jul 3, '13


    Egyptian nightmare for Erdogan
    By Victor Kotsev

    ISTANBUL- While the Turkish government spent much of the last couple of years branding itself as a paradigm for Egypt and other Arab Spring countries, the reverse is now taking place: Egypt is becoming the nightmare scenario for Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The violent phase of the protests in Istanbul, Ankara and other Turkish cities is over, for now, but the struggle to set their legacy has only just begun, and Erdogan would be well-advised to take a lesson from the mistakes of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood.

    True, the danger of a military coup in Turkey at the moment is close to zero, if only because Erdogan has locked up an entire army college (some 330 officers) on charges of plotting against him. But the parallels between the two countries run far beyond the superficial. For the record, so too did Egyptian still-President Mohammed Morsi try to purge the army last year, although he only removed a few top generals.

    Most importantly, both countries are experimenting with moderate political Islam, and the experiments have produced mixed result as far as genuine democracy is concerned. It is true that Islamic radicals (extremists) and Islamic conservatives (moderates) are two very different species which have fought in the past, and it is also true that the Turkish government, in particular, has implemented a number of popular reforms. However, another fact is that the moderate Islamists' majoritarian understanding of democracy is radically different from that of more liberal constituencies present in both countries.

    The Turkish and the Egyptian governments - both democratically elected - have cracked down on the press, rolled back some civil liberties and planned to change the constitutions in ways many citizens found unacceptable. Enter Taksim square and Tahrir v. 2.0.

    The dangers of social friction become more acute as the economy declines. Egypt is in dire straits, while Turkey is currently widely lauded as an economic miracle, not only in the Middle East, but also in Europe. Erdogan deserves much of the credit for this, though the painful economic reforms executed by the previous government, which led to its downfall, also contributed.

    However, there is a growing financial bubble in Turkey. Whether it is fueled by hot Arab money or by Western investors seeking to escape the low returns in the US and Europe as well as the dangers of Greece and other countries offering higher yields, many analysts expect it to pop in the next year or two. What would happen then is anybody's guess.

    Turkey, similarly to Egypt, has experienced many military coups in the past decades, the most recent one in 1997. And while the danger has been neutralized for now, remnants of the deep state, where the military continues to be embedded, remain powerful. So when Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arinc threatened to unleash the army on the demonstrators some two weeks ago, he was playing with fire, just as the Egyptian authorities were forced to do when they sent the army to quash riots in the city of Port Said earlier this year.

    At present, the Turkish demonstrators are resorting to more creative means of protest and attempts to strengthen the grassroots democratic culture. They are gathering in the evenings in parks and other public forums, standing still as a way of conveying their disagreement with the government or discussing their strategy and planning boycotts. The main banks and businesses such as Starbucks and Burger King, which closed their doors to people running from the brutal crackdown of the police, are losing customers and revenue.

    Though most protesters say that more people need to join them in order for the boycotts to succeed, this strategy has already scored some victories. After losing some US$21 million of bank deposits in just a few days, the CEO of one of the largest lenders, Garanti, came out in support of the demonstrations.

    More broadly, if the Turkish demonstrators can consolidate and come up with a working grassroots version of participatory democracy, they would avoid the pitfalls in which the Egyptian opposition is currently trapped. The Occupy-style tent camp in Gezi park which lasted some two weeks before being stormed with tear gas canisters, rubber bullets and water cannon mixed with pepper-spray chemicals arguably set the foundations of such a culture. Scenes of anti-capitalist Muslims praying in public with militant Marxists standing by on guard against the police sent a powerful message that reverberated in Turkish society.

    "Gezi Park proved that all identities could live and function together in Turkey," said Eran Ozbek, an activist. "This did not happen for the last 30 years, since the coup in 1980. Since then, the majority of the Turkish people tried to avoid political or social statements and simply joined those who were in power. ... This was not only a riot against the government, it was a kind of waking up in the political sense, social sense, sexual sense, whatever defines a society."

    "Consciously or unconsciously, this is the growing up of a nation," said Ali Sever, a doctor.

    But the government is trying to push a different narrative, blaming a long list of divergent groups such as the deep state, the Jewish community, international media, soccer hooligans and Iranian agents for colluding in a conspiracy to overthrow it. It is a dangerous and short-sighted strategy.

    It is true that some political groups attempted to take advantage of the protests for their own benefit. Furthermore, in the course of clashes with the police, protesters threw stones and bottles and vandalized a number of properties. Both of these factors contributed to the withdrawal of many people from the demonstrations.

    But the protests started peacefully, and to a large degree remained relatively peaceful. The well-documented disproportionate use of police force which resulted in several deaths and over 7,000 injuries, some severe, and included attacks on journalists, doctors and medical facilities, was arguably a provocation in its own right.

    Videos of police or police-affiliated thugs shooting slingshots at protesters (click here and here), though difficult to verify, suggest further disturbing anomalies.

    Even ardent government supporters voice criticism, at least with the initial police violence.

    "Erdogan was unfairly persecuted and criticized for a long time, and I understand why he came to see the protests as a continuation of this campaign," said Suheyb Ogut, a PhD student in Sociology who praised Erdogan's economic and healthcare reforms, his attempts to solve the Kurdish conflict and his initiative to allow women with headscarves back into the public space, among other reforms.

    "The harsh response of the police in the beginning was because of this. But it's not true, and we told him he was wrong, and he changed his approach."

    Whether the government has truly learned a lesson remains to be seen. Recently it announced plans to crack down on social media dissent and to expand police privileges, rebuffing the demands of protesters for top police figures to be fired over the crackdown.

    A number of bloggers were tracked down and arrested in their homes, on charges including incitement and sedition. Others were fined hefty sums for offenses such as insulting the prime minister - a girl who preferred to remain anonymous said that she had to pay the equivalent of $13,000 because of a Facebook post.

    The argument that this is done in the interest of law and order appears skewed. By contrast, a large number of government supporters who issued ugly threats in an attempt to intimidate journalists and other public figures remain free of persecution.

    "My twitter account has been flooded with death threats which now read 'We will [rape] you as we kill you,'" said Amberin Zaman, The Economist's correspondent in Turkey, in an email. Hers is by far not the only case.

    It is not yet clear if Erdogan truly intends to proceed with a wide crackdown on all dissent, or if his speeches, which branded protesters as "looters," "traitors" and "foreign agents" who allegedly desecrated mosques and assaulted women in headscarves, are merely intended to rally his supporters for the upcoming local elections. In either case, what is widely perceived as divide-and-rule politics carries significant dangers.

    The threat to Turkish democracy would be particularly grave if police attack the peaceful forums and "Standing Man" protests, quashing attempts to implement a genuine civil society. In some cases, such as in Mersin, the site of the 2013 Mediterranean Olympics, as well as in the capital Ankara, this has already happened. Other cities, such as Istanbul, have remained relatively peaceful, at least since June 22.

    With suspense hanging over Turkey, the scenes in Cairo and other Egyptian cities stand as a warning sign.

    Victor Kotsev is a journalist and political analyst.

    http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_...01-030713.html

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    Full military coup' underway in Egypt, tanks & APCs seen on streets

    Full military coup' underway in Egypt, tanks & APCs seen on streets

    July 03, 2013

    Protesters opposing Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi take part in protest, demanding that Morsi resign, at Tahrir Square in Cairo (Reuters/Suhaib Salem)


    A military coup is underway in Egypt, according to Mohamed Morsi's national security adviser and a Muslim Brotherhood spokesperson. Security forces have placed a travel ban on Morsi and a number of top Brotherhood officials, according to AFP sources.

    Egyptian troops, including commandos, are deploying at key sites and intersections throughout Egypt, including Suez and the highway to Alexandria. Several hundred soldiers, together with armored vehicles are taking part in a military parade on the road near the presidential palace, a witness told Reuters. The army reportedly erected barbed wire and barriers around the barracks where Morsi was working.

    National security adviser Essam El-Haddad said that "no military coup can succeed in the face of sizeable popular force without considerable bloodshed." He added that he expects army and police violence to remove pro-Mursi demonstrators from the streets of Cairo.

    Troops have moved into place near the Rabaa Adaweya mosque area, where tens of thousands of supporters of Mursi's Muslim Brotherhood are rallying in support of the president, a Reuters journalist reported. But the Egyptian army denied that it was moving in on Morsi supporters, saying "The Egyptian army belongs to all Egyptians."


    A presidential aide said in a statement that Morsi's message to all Egyptians is to resist the military coup peacefully without using violence.

    Morsi won't step down, proposes unity govt
    Morsi has offered a consensus government as a way out of the country's crisis, but offered no new compromises. The leader has refused to step down, and instructed the military not to "take sides."

    The proposed coalition government would include a Prime Minister elected by political powers, according to a presidential statement. The statement added that "the scenario that some parties are trying to impose is rejected by the people."




    The military ultimatum given to President Mohamed Morsi has come and gone, as hundreds of thousands of people take to the streets. Morsi previously rejected the deadline, which gave him 48 hours to meet the demands of the people before facing army intervention.

    Just before the afternoon deadline imposed by the military expired, Morsi again rejected army intervention. The leader said that abiding by his electoral legitimacy was the only way to prevent violence. He criticized the military for "taking only one side."

    "One mistake that cannot be accepted, and I say this as president of all Egyptians, is to take sides," Morsi said in a statement issued by his office. "Justice dictates that the voice of the masses from all squares should be heard."

    The meeting between Commander-In-Chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Abdul Fatah Khalil Al-Sisi, and political forces is still ongoing, Al Arabiya reports. The most important issue being discussed is reportedly that of sending reassuring messages to the Brotherhood's leaders.

    The two sides seem unwilling to budge, with protesters stating that Morsi and his Brotherhood party are pushing an Islamist agenda on Egypt.




    The Tamarod movement has called on Egyptians to take to the streets and squares immediately, and to listen to the army's speech.

    The Brotherhood says the army’s actions amount to a coup and says that its members are ready to become martyrs to defend the president.



    This combo image shows: Egyptian protesters calling for the ouster of President Mohamed Morsi (Top) and Egyptian supporters of President Mohamed Morsi (Bottom) (AFP Photo)

    "There is only one thing we can do: we will stand in between the tanks and the president," Gehad El-Haddad, the MB official spokesman, told Reuters on Wednesday.

    "We will not allow the will of the Egyptian people to be bullied again by the military machine."




    Morsi believes it would be better to die “standing like a tree,” defending the electoral legitimacy of his office, than to go down in history as having destroyed Egyptians’ hopes for democracy, presidential spokesperson Ayman Ali said, as quoted by Reuters.

    Transitional period, then elections
    Egypt's state news agency MENA says a short transitional period will be followed by presidential and parliamentary elections.

    The country's leading Muslim and Christian clerics and the leader of the liberal opposition alliance Mohamed El-Baradei will jointly present a roadmap for a political transition shortly. Army generals will be present at the announcement, along with members of the Tamarud youth protest movement.

    The clerics would be the Grand Sheikh of Cairo's Al-Azhar institution, a leading authority in the Muslim world, and Pope Tawadros, the head of the Coptic Church and leader of Egypt's millions of Christians.

    Army sources had previously said the army would issue a statement after the deadline expires at about 5 p.m. (1500 GMT) but no time has yet been set for official statements, according to the Facebook page of Egyptian military spokesman Col. Ahmad Muhammad Ali.

    At least 39 people have died since anti-Morsi protests began on Sunday. A night of deadly clashes in Cairo on Tuesday night claimed the lives of 23 people, most of whom died in a single incident near Cairo University.

    http://rt.com/news/egypt-ultimatum-expires-protest-616/

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